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BIG READ: Patrice Émery Lumumba - remembering one of Africa’s greatest

Friday, October 10, 2008
DoSH slams a ban on infant formula milk

Patrice Émery Lumumba (2 July 1925 – 17 January 1961) was an African anti-colonial leader and the first legally elected Prime Minister of the Republic of the Congo after he helped to win its independence from Belgium in June 1960. Only ten weeks later, Lumumba's government was deposed in coup during the Congo Crisis. He was subsequently imprisoned and murdered under controversial circumstances.

Path to Prime Minister

Lumumba was born in Onalua in the Katakokombe region of the Kasai province of the Belgian Congo, a member of the Tetela ethnic group. Raised in a Catholic family as one of four sons, he was educated at a Protestant primary school, a Catholic missionary school, and finally the government post office training school, passing the one-year course with distinction.

He subsequently worked in Leopoldville (now Kinshasa) and Stanleyville (now Kisangani) as a postal clerk and as a travelling beer salesman. In 1951, he married Pauline Opangu. In 1955, Lumumba became regional head of the Cercles of Stanleyville and joined the Liberal Party of Belgium, where he worked on editing and distributing party literature. After traveling on a three-week study tour in Belgium, he was arrested in 1955 on charges of embezzlement of post office funds. His two-year sentence was commuted to twelve months after it was confirmed by Belgian lawyer Jules Chrome that Lumumba had returned the funds, and he was released in July 1956. After his release, he helped to found the non-tribal Mouvement National Congolais (MNC) in 1958, later becoming the organization's president. Lumumba and his team represented the MNC at the All-African People's Conference in Accra, Ghana, in December 1958. At this international conference, hosted by influential Pan-African President Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana, Lumumba further solidified his Pan-Africanist beliefs.

In late October 1959, Lumumba as leader of the MNC was again arrested for allegedly inciting an anti-colonial riot in Stanleyville where thirty people were killed, for which he was sentenced to six months in prison. The trial's start date of January 18, 1960, was also the first day of a round-table conference in Brussels to finalize the future of the Congo. Despite Lumumba's imprisonment at the time, the MNC won a convincing majority in the December local elections in the Congo.

As a result of pressure from delegates who were enraged at Lumumba's imprisonment, he was released and allowed to attend the Brussels conference. The conference culminated on January 27th with a declaration of Congolese independence setting June 30, 1960, as the independence date with national elections from May 11–25, 1960. Lumumba and the MNC won this election and the right to form a government, with the announcement on June 23, 1960 of 35-year-old Lumumba as Congo's first prime minister and Joseph Kasa-Vubu as its president. In accordance with the constitution, on June 24 the new government passed a vote of confidence and was ratified by the Congolese Chamber and Senate.

Independence Day was celebrated on June 30 in a ceremony attended by many dignitaries including King Baudouin and the foreign press, Patrice Lumumba delivered his famous independence speech after being officially excluded from the event programme, despite being the elected Congolese Prime Minister. In direct contrast to the paternalistic glorification of colonialism in the speech of King Baudouin, as well as the relatively harmless speech of President Kasa-Vubu, Lumumba's outspoken anti-colonial speech resonated with the crowd for its emotional appeal while simultaneously humiliating and alienating the King and his entourage. Lumumba was later harshly criticised for the inappropriate nature of this speech.

Actions as Prime Minister

A few days after gaining its independence, Lumumba made the fateful decision to raise the pay of all government employees except for the army. Late on July 5, this sparked a mutiny among soldiers (who were also rebelling against their officers who were mostly Belgians) at the Thysville military base. It quickly spread throughout the country, leading to a general breakdown in law and order. Lumumba was unable to regain control. Soon the country was overrun by gangs of soldiers and looters, causing a media sensation, particularly over Europeans fleeing the country.[5]

The province of Katanga declared independence under regional premier Moïse Tshombe on July 11 1960 with Belgian support. Despite the arrival of United Nations troops, unrest continued. Lumumba sought Soviet aid to forcefully subdue Katanga. Soviet troops were then used in an invasion, which failed due to poor intelligence and poor knowledge of local conditions. Lumumba now lost the support of his colleagues and President Kasa-Vubu.[6]

Deposed and arrested

In September, the President dismissed Lumumba from government. In retaliation, Lumumba illegally declared Kasa-Vubu deposed and won a vote of confidence in the Senate, while the newly appointed prime minister failed to gain parliament's confidence.

On September 14, a coup d’état organized by Colonel Joseph Mobutu and endorsed by the CIA incapacitated both Lumumba and Kasa-Vubu.[5] Lumumba was placed under house arrest at the prime minister's residence, although UN troops were positioned around the house to protect him. Nevertheless, Lumumba decided to rouse his supporters in Haut-Congo. Smuggled out of his residence at night, he escaped to Stanleyville, where he attempted to set up his own government and army[7].

Pursued by troops loyal to Mobutu he was finally captured in Port Francqui and arrested on December 1, 1960 and flown to Leopoldville (now Kinshasa) in handcuffs. He desperately appealed to local UN troops to save him, but he was no longer their responsibility. Mobutu said Lumumba would be tried for inciting the army to rebellion and other crimes. United Nations Secretary General Dag Hammarskjöld made an appeal to Kasa-Vubu asking that Lumumba be treated according to due process of law. The USSR denounced Hammarskjöld and the Western powers as responsible for Lumumba's arrest and demanded his release.

The UN Security Council was called into session on December 7, 1960 to consider Soviet demands that the UN seek Lumumba's immediate release, the immediate restoration of Lumumba as head of the Congo government, the disarming of the forces of Mobutu, and the immediate evacuation of Belgians from the Congo. Hammarskjöld, answering Soviet attacks against his Congo operations, said that if the UN forces were withdrawn from the Congo "I fear everything will crumble."

The threat to the UN cause was intensified by the announcement of the withdrawal of their contingents by Yugoslavia, the United Arab Republic, Ceylon, Indonesia, Morocco, and Guinea. The Soviet pro-Lumumba resolution was defeated on December 14, 1960 by a vote of 8-2. On the same day, a Western resolution that would have given Hammarskjöld increased powers to deal with the Congo situation (and perhaps intervene on Lumumba's behalf) was vetoed by the Soviet Union.

Lumumba was sent first on December 3, to Thysville military barracks Camp Hardy, 150 km (about 100 miles) from Leopoldville. However, when security and disciplinary breaches threatened Lumamba's safety, it was decided that he should be transferred to the Katanga Province.

Death

Lumumba was forcibly restrained on the flight to Elizabethville (now Lubumbashi) on January 17, 1961 after attempting to incite the other passengers.[8] On arrival, he was conducted under arrest to Brouwez House and held there bound and gagged while President Tshombe and his cabinet decided what to do with him.

Later that night, Lumumba was driven to an isolated spot where three firing squads had been assembled. According to David Akerman, the firing squads were commanded by a Belgian, Captain Julien Gat, and another Belgian, Police Commissioner Verschurre, had overall command of the execution site.[9] The Belgian Commission has found that the execution was carried out by Katanga's authorities. It reported that President Tshombe and two other ministers were present with four Belgian officers under the command of Katangan authorities. Lumumba and two other comrades from the government, Maurice Mpolo and Joseph Okito, were lined up against a tree and shot one at a time. The execution most likely took place on January 17, 1961 between 9:40PM and 9:43PM according to the Belgian report. Lumumba's corpse was buried nearby.

No statement was released until three weeks later despite rumours that Lumumba was dead. His death was formally announced on Katangese radio when it was alleged that he escaped and was killed by enraged villagers. Shortly afterwards, Belgian Police Commissioner Gerard Soete and his brother dug up Lumumba's corpse, cut it up with a hacksaw, and dissolved it in concentrated sulfuric acid.[10] Only some teeth and a fragment of skull survived the process, kept as souvenirs. In an interview on Belgian television in 1999, Soetecustomers displayed a bullet and two teeth that he claimed he had saved from Lumumba's body.[10]

After the announcement of Lumumba's death, street protests were organized in several European countries — in Belgrade, capital of Yugoslavia, protesters sacked the Belgian embassy and confronted the police, and in London a crowd marched from Trafalgar Square to the Belgian embassy, where a letter of protest was delivered and where protesters clashed with police.[11]

There is much speculation over any role that the Belgian and US governments played in the prime minister's murder. The Belgian Commission investigating Lumumba's assassination concluded that (1) Belgium wanted Lumumba arrested, (2) Belgium was not particularly concerned with Lumumba's physical well being, and (3) although informed of the danger to Lumumba's life, Belgium did not take any action to avert his death. But the report also specifically denied that Belgium ordered Lumumba's assassination [12]

Under its own 'Good Samaritan' laws, Belgium was legally culpable for failing to prevent the assassination from taking place and was also in breach of its obligation (under U.N. Resolution 290 of 1949) to refrain from acts or threats "aimed at impairing the freedom, independence or integrity of another state."[1]

It was revealed that U.S. President Dwight D. Eisenhower had said "something [to CIA chief Allen Dulles] to the effect that Lumumba should be eliminated".[13] This was revealed by a declassified interview with then-US National Security Council minutekeeper Robert Johnson released in August 2000 from Senate intelligence committee's inquiry on covert action. The committee later found that while the CIA had conspired to kill Lumumba, it was not involved in the murder.[13]

Plots by U.S. and Belgium

The report of 2001 by the Belgian Commission mentions that there had been previous U.S. and Belgian plots to kill Lumumba. Among them was a Central Intelligence Agency-sponsored attempt to poison him, which may have come on orders from U.S. President Dwight D. Eisenhower.[14] CIA chemist Sidney Gottlieb was a key person in this by devising a poison resembling toothpaste.[15][16][17][18] However, the plan is said to have failed because the local CIA Station Chief, Larry Devlin, had a conscience issue and did not go forward.[16][17][19]

In February 2002, the Belgian government apologized to the Congolese people, and admitted to a "moral responsibility" and "an irrefutable portion of responsibility in the events that led to the death of Lumumba." In July, documents released by the United States government revealed that while the CIA had been kept informed of Belgium's plans, it had no direct role in Lumumba's eventual death.[16]

This same disclosure showed that U.S. perception at the time was that Lumumba was a communist.[20] Eisenhower's reported call, at a meeting of his national security advisers, for Lumumba's elimination must have been brought on by this perception. Both Belgium and the US were clearly influenced in their unfavourable stance towards Lumumba by the Cold War.

He seemed to gravitate around the Soviet Union, although it was the only place he could find support in his country's effort to rid itself of colonial rule, not because he was a communist.[21] (Ironically, the US was the first country Lumumba requested help from).[22] — Lumumba, for his part, not only denied being a Communist, but said he found colonialism and Communism to be equally deplorable, and professed his personal preference for neutrality between the East and West.[23]customers

Legacy, Political

Lumumba bequeathed very few positive results from his term of office. He failed to promote development and alienated his colleagues and supporters alike. In addition he failed to stave off or quell a civil war that erupted within days of his appointment as prime minister. Instead he behaved impetuously and followed expedients rather than policies that led to the deaths of hundreds of thousands of people, including himself.[24]

In the 2006 Congolese elections

Nevertheless, the image of Patrice Lumumba continues to serve as an inspiration in contemporary Congolese politics. In the 2006 elections, several parties claimed to be motivated by his ideas,including the People's Party for Reconstruction and Democracy (PPRD), the political party initiated by the incumbent President Joseph Kabila.[25] Antoine Gizenga, who served as Lumumba's Deputy Prime Minister in the post-independence period, was a 2006 Presidential candidate under the Unified Lumumbist Party (Parti Lumumbiste Unifié (PALU))[26] and was named prime minister at the end of the year. Other political parties that directly utilize his name include the Mouvement National Congolais-Lumumba (MNC-L) and the Mouvement Lumumbiste (MLP).

Family and politics

Patrice Lumumba's family is actively involved in contemporary Congolese politics. Patrice Lumumba was married and had five children; François was the eldest followed by Patrice junior, Julienne, Roland and Guy-Patrice Lumumba. François Lumumba was 10 years old when Patrice died. Before his imprisonment, Patrice arranged for his wife and children to move into exile in Egypt, where François spent his childhood, then went to Hungary for education (he holds a doctorate in political economics). He returned to Congo in the 1992 to oppose Mobutu since when he has been the leader of the Mouvement National Congolais Lumumba (MNC-L), his father's original political party. [27]

Lumumba's youngest son, Patrice-Guy, born six months after his father's death, was an independent presidential candidate in the 2006 elections,[28] but received less than 1% of the vote.

On the DVD of the film Lumumba, the special features section includes an interview with Julienne in which she speaks of how her father knew that he was going to die for the cause, that he spoke of it frequently but did not anticipate the rule of Mobutu. She says that Lumumba had faith that his message would live on after his death.

Writings by Lumumba

• Congo, My Country, 1962, New York: Praeger (Books That Matter)

• Lumumba Speaks: The Speeches and Writings of Patrice Lumumba, 1958-1961 [Collection of Speeches, Little, Brown and Company, 1972] Translated by Helen R. Lane. Ed. Jean Van Lierde

Tributes

• In 1966 Patrice Lumumba's image was rehabilitated by the Mobutu regime and he was proclaimed a national hero and martyr in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. By a presidential decree, the Brouwez House, site of Lumumba's brutal torture on the night of his murder, became a place of pilgrimage in the Congo.[29] Plans made to erect a spire in Lumumba's memory did not proceed but the anniversary of Lumumba's death was commemorated yearly until 1974, upon the unveiling of Mobutism.

• A major transportation artery in Kinshasa, the Lumumba Boulevard, is named in his honor. The boulevard goes past an interchange with a giant tower, the Tour de l'Echangeur (the main landmark of Kinshasa) in honor of the martyr prime minister. On the tower's plaza, the first Kabila regime erected a tall statue of Lumumba with a raised hand, greeting people coming from Kinshasa International Airport.

• In Bamako, Mali, Lumumba Square is a large central plaza with a life-size statue of Lumumba, a park with fountains, and a flag display. Around Lumumba Square are various businesses, embassies and Bamako's largest bank.

• Streets were also named after him in Haiti, Tanzania, Ghana, Budapest, Hungary (between 1961 and 1990); Belgrade, Serbia; Bata and Malabo, Equatorial Guinea; Tehran, Iran; Algiers, Algeria (Rue Patrice Lumumba);[30] Santiago de Cuba, Cuba (since 1960,customers formerly Avenida de Bélgica); _ód_, Poland; Kiev, Ukraine; Rabat, Morocco; Maputo, Mozambique; Leipzig, Germany; Lusaka, Zambia ("Lumumba Street").

• The Peoples' Friendship University of the USSR was renamed "Patrice Lumumba Peoples'customers Friendship University" in 1961, but it was later renamed "The Peoples' Friendship University of Russia" in the post-Soviet landscape in 1992.[31]

• In Belgrade, Serbia, "The Patris Lumumba Hall of Residence" at Belgrade University was built in 1961 and continues to carry Lumumba's name.[32]

• In Kampala, Uganda, "Lumumba Hall" of Residence at Makerere University continues to carry his name.

• "Lumumba" is a popular choice for children's names throughout Africa.[33]

• American stand-up comedian Patrice Oneal is named after Lumumba.

• Argentinian Reggae Band, was named "Lumumba".

• In 1964 Malcolm X labelled Patrice Lumumba, "the greatest black man who ever walked the African continent".k


Author: DO

Niger to Host International Conference on Africa

Wednesday, September 24, 2008
The International centre for the Studies and Research of the Green Book and NasserInternationalUniversity in Niger in collaboration with the Islamic University in Niger, is organizing a two day conference on Africa.

According to the organizers, the theme of the conference is ‘Africa:The present and the prospect of the future’. The conference, the source revealed, will be held from the 10thto 11thNovember 2008 in Niamey, Niger.

Conference participants are expected to make presentations on key topics such as Democracy and Political reforms in Africa. This will deal with aspects of political reforms and democratic transformation through providing critical readings of some of the African experiments that went along Western lines. This treatment will aim at providing African alternatives that correspond with Africa’s need.

The other subject is the partnership and the issue of African Development.

It studies the problems and obstacles related to the continent’s development as well as partnership experiments which took place among African States themselves and between them and the outside world with emphasis and effects on the present and the future of the continent. The discussion strives for resolving such problems and offering sound solutions that meet the hopes and aspirations of African peoples.

The third subject is ‘Africa in a Changing World’. It traces current world affairs which witnessed constant and speedy changes in the age of globalization and block formation that became the basic character of our time.

The forum is aimed at providing solutions contributing to the development of all sectors for the benefit of the African peoples.

Meanwhile, the organizers are calling for papers from Africans on the above mentioned subjects. Those interested can send in one-page abstract of their work either in English, Arabic or French as early as possible with contact details.

Interested participants can fax them on 00218213403691 or email on azis_derassat@hotmail.com.

Author: Nfamara Jawneh

The Big Read: Samory Touré: The West African empire builder

The Big Read: Samory Touré: Th...The Big Read: Samory Touré: Th...The Big Read: Samory Touré: Th...The Big Read: Samory Touré: Th...
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Friday, September 12, 2008
Samory Touré (circa 1830-1900), was  a West African empire builder and fighter against French colonialism. Born into the Touré clan in the Beyla region of present-day Guinea, he became a soldier in the local conflicts that ravaged the area around the middle of the 19th century and soon began to exploit the situation to his own ends.

 By 1870 he had forged a large private army, with which he eventually conquered an area reaching from the Fouta Djallon (Futa Jallon) in the west to the Ashanti country of present-day Ghana in the east. Establishing his capital at Bissandougou in what is now the Côte d'Ivoire, he tried at first to hold off the encroaching French by diplomacy and negotiations but later waged a brilliant, although ultimately unsuccessful, guerrilla war against them. Captured by the French in 1898, Samory Touré died two years later in exile in Gabon. He was the great-grandfather of Sékou Touré, the first president of modern Guinea.

Born c. 1830 in Manyambaladugu (in what is now southeastern Guinea), the son of Dyula traders, Samori grew up in a West Africa being transformed by growing contacts with the Europeans. European trade made some African trading states rich, while growing access to firearms changed traditional West African patterns of warfare. Early in his life, Ture, converted to Islam.[1][2]

In 1848, Samori's mother was captured in the course of war by Séré-Burlay, of the Cissé clan. After arranging his mother's freedom, Samori engaged himself to the service of the Cissés where he learned the handling of arms. According to tradition, he remained "seven years, seven months, seven days" before fleeing with his mother.

He then joined the Bérété army, the enemies of the Cissé, for two years before rejoining his people, the Kamara. Named Kélétigui ("war chief") at Dyala in 1861, Samori took an oath to protect his people against both the Bérété and the Cissé. He created a professional army and placed close relations, notably his brothers and his childhood friends, in positions of command.

Expansion through the Sudan
In 1864, El Hadj Umar Tall, the founder of the aggressive Toucouleur Empire that dominated the Upper Niger River, died. As the Toucouleur state lost its grip on power, generals and local rulers vied to create states of their own.

By 1867, Samori was a full-fledged war chief, with an army of his own centered on Sanankoro in the Guinea Highlands, on the Upper Milo, a Niger tributary. Samori understood that he needed to accomplish two things: to create an efficient, loyal fighting force equipped with modern firearms, and to build a stable state of his own.

By 1876 Samori was able to import breech-loading rifles through the British colony of Sierra Leone. He conquered the Buré gold mining district (now on the border between Mali and Guinea) to bolster his financial situation. By 1878 he was strong enough to proclaim himself faama (military leader) of his own Wassoulou Empire. He made Bissandugu his capital and began political and commercial exchanges with the neighboring Toucouleur.

In 1879, after numerous struggles, Samori was able to secure control of the key Dyula trading center of Kankan, on the upper Milo River. Kankan was a center for the trade in kola nuts, and was well sited to dominate the trade routes in all directions. By 1881, Wassoulou extended through Guinea and Mali, from what is now Sierra Leone to northern Côte d'Ivoire.

Samori conserved most organizations and traditions of conquered peoples, though he forced local animist populations to convert to Islam and in 1884 took the title of Almany, commander of believers. This same year, he also besieged and took the city of Falaba, then capital of Solimana.

While Samori conquered the numerous small tribal states around him, he also moved to secure his diplomatic position. He opened regular contacts with the British in Sierra Leone, and built a working relationship with the Fulbe (Fula) jihad state of Fouta Djallon.
Samori sold slaves to Futa Jallon in exchange for cattle, horses, and, most importantly, French rifles.

First battles with the French
The French began to expand aggressively in West Africa in the late 1870s, pushing eastward from Senegal in an attempt to reach the upper reaches of the Nile in what is now Sudan. They also sought to drive southeast to link up with their bases in Côte d'Ivoire. These moves put them directly into conflict with Samori.

In February 1882, a French expedition attacked one of Samori’s armies besieging Keniera. Samori was able to drive the French off, but he was alarmed at the discipline and firepower of the European military.

Samori tried to deal with the French in several ways. First, he expanded southwestward to secure a line of communication with Liberia. In January 1885 he sent an embassy to Freetown, the capital of Sierra Leone, offering to put his kingdom under British protection. The British were not interested in confronting the French at this time, but they did allow Samori to buy large numbers of modern repeating rifles.

When an 1885 French expedition under Col. A. V. A. Combes attempted to seize the Buré gold fields, Samori counterattacked. Dividing his army into three mobile columns he worked his way around the French lines of communication and forced them to withdraw in haste.

War and defeat
By 1887, Samori had a disciplined army of 30,000 - 35,000 infantry, organized into platoons and companies on the European model, and 3,000 cavalry, in regular squadrons of 50 each. However, the French were determined not to give Samori time to consolidate his position. Exploiting the rebellions of several of Samori's animist subject tribes, the French continued to expand into his westernmost holdings, forcing Samori to sign several treaties ceding territory to them between 1886 and 1889.

In March 1891, a French force under Col. Archinard launched a direct attack on Kankan. Knowing his fortifications could not stop French artillery, Samori began a war of maneuver. Despite victories against isolated French columns (for example at Dabadugu in September 1891), Samori failed to push the French from the core of his kingdom. In June 1892, Col. Archinard’s replacement, Humbert, leading a small, well-supplied force of picked men, captured Samori’s capital of Bissandugu. In another blow, the British stopped selling breech loaders to Samori in accordance with the Brussels convention of 1890.

Samori moved his entire base of operations eastward, toward the Bandama and Comoe. He instituted a scorched earth policy, devastating each area before he evacuated it. Though this maneuver cut Samori off from his last source of modern weapons, Liberia, it also delayed French pursuit.

Nonetheless, the fall of other resistance armies, particularly Babemba Traoré at Sikasso, permitted the colonial army to launch a concentrated assault against Touré. He was captured 29 September, 1898 by French Commandant Gouraud and exiled to Gabon.
Samori died in captivity on June 2, 1900, following a bout of pneumonia.
Massa Makan Diabaté's play Une hyène à jeun (A Hyena with an Empty Stomach, 1988) dramatizes Samori Ture's signing of the 1886 Treaty of Kéniéba-Koura, which granted the left bank of the Niger to France.

Samory Toure, King of the Sudan (1830-1900)
The ascendance of Samory Toure began when his native Bissandugu was attacked and his mother taken captive. After a persuasive appeal, Samory was allowed to take her place, but later escaped and joined the army of King Bitike Souane of Torona. Following a quick rise through the ranks of Bitike's army, Samory returned to Bissandugu where he was soon installed as king and defied French wicked exploits in Africa by launching a conquest to unify West Africa into a single state. During the eigthteen year conflict with France, Samory continully frustrated the Europeans with his military strategy and tactics. This astute millitary prowess brought him respect world wide.

West Africa to the 1870s
From the 17th to the 19th century in sub-Saharan West Africa—from the Sénégal River estuary in the west to Cameroon in the east and as far south as Angola—political and economic life was dominated by the demands of the European-controlled Atlantic slave trade.

By the late 18th century the scale of this trade had reached unprecedented heights, with up to 100,000 captives exported every year. The wars that generated this traffic in captives dominated life in the interior. States with standing armies became more centralized and more powerful, dominating smaller, village-based communities. For the most part, European presence was confined to coastal fortresses, which were fortified against European rivals rather than local Africans. Coastal African rulers tolerated the European presence because the European fortresses provided useful trading links that strengthened their positions against their own African rivals.

Two important developments occurred in 18th-century West Africa that presaged large-scale change in the 19th century. First, by the mid-18th century a rise in Islamic reformist zeal led to several jihads and the establishment of new Islamic states in Fouta Djallon (in what is now Guinea) and Fouta Toro (in Senegal). Second, in the 1780s and 1790s Britain helped freed slaves from Britain and North America establish settlements in the British territory of Sierra Leone. The Islamic states of Fouta Djallon and Fouta Toro served as inspirations for larger 19th-century West African jihads, while the colony of Sierra Leone was symbolic of the emerging abolitionist movement that would eventually bring an end to the Atlantic slave trade.

Jihads and New States in 19th-Century West Africa
West African Islamic reformist ideas of the late 18th and early 19th centuries were spread by Fulani peoples, who had played a prominent role in the earlier jihads of Fouta Djallon and Futa Toro. The Fulani—largely Muslim cattle herders who lived in the savanna lands from Senegal to Cameroon—typically lived in peace among farming populations.

 However, in the Hausa region of what is now northern Nigeria the Fulani became estranged from what they regarded as the corrupt rule of the nominally Muslim Hausa aristocracy. They particularly resented the Hausa’s heavy taxation of their cattle. The Fulani were therefore very receptive to the reformist teachings of Muslim scholar Usuman dan Fodio, who had begun his preaching as a young man in the 1770s in the Hausa city-state of Gobir.

By the early 1800s Usuman had accumulated a considerable following. In 1804 the ruler of Gobir sent his cavalry to capture or kill Usuman, but the force was defeated by his followers. This military action sparked a spontaneous revolutionary movement among Fulani and other oppressed Muslims across the whole of Hausaland. Within four years most of the Hausa city-states had fallen to the jihad. After Usuman’s death in 1817 his brother Abdullahi and son Muhammad Bello united the Hausa states into a single Islamic empire, with its capital at Sokoto.

This brought an end to centuries of rivalry and clashes between the states. By the time of Muhammad Bello’s death in 1837 this Sokoto Caliphate stretched across the whole of northern Nigeria and was the largest West African state since 16th-century Songhai. Islam and Sharia (Islamic law) made up the unifying elements in what was otherwise a federation of semiautonomous emirates. Literacy became widespread and, with an end to inter-state Hausa wars, trade flourished. Those who benefited least were the Hausa peasantry, who had in effect changed one oppressive master for another.
 
Fulani pastoralists tried to extend the jihad into Bornu, but they were resisted by Muhammad al-Kanemi, a religious and military leader from Kanem. Although the state lost control of its eastern Hausa provinces, Bornu retained its independence under a new dynasty set up by al-Kanemi’s son Umar.

West of Sokoto, Usuman dan Fodio’s revolution inspired further Fulani-led jihads and political change. On the upper Niger River, a jihad was led by Umar Tal, a Muslim preacher from Fouta Toro. In the Fouta Djallon region, he built up an army and equipped it with firearms, bought in exchange for captives on the coast. From 1855 to 1862 Umar’s army captured the Bambara states of Kaarta and Ségou, and the Fulani state of Macina. He thus created what was known as the Tukolor Empire, which stretched from Fouta Djallon to Tombouctou. Following Umar’s death in 1864, Tukolor was weakened by internal revolts and was conquered by the French in 1893.

South of Tukolor, in what is now Guinea, military leader Samory Touré conquered and united the states of the Dyula people in the 1860s, creating the powerful Mandinka state. Unlike some of his contemporary state-builders, Samory was not a religious preacher and Mandinka was not a reformist state as such. Nevertheless, he used Islam to unite the nation, promoting Muslim education and basing his rule upon the Sharia. Samory’s professional army was the real strength of what had become a Mandinka empire by the 1880s. As such it provided one of the major forces of resistance to French conquest in the final decades of the century.

Author: DO

WHAT’S ON: African Light Sound moving strong in Europe

Friday, September 12, 2008
Reggae music is unquestionably playing a vital role in bringing all nations together to deal with peace and this is surely the reason why it will continue to gather momentum on Mother Earth.

African Light Sound is a sound with unique characteristics. It involves people from different cultures and tribes with the main aim of bridging gaps between people and to transcend all the differences.

The African Light crew under the leadership of Selector Prince Hammon, a Gambian based in France, strongly believes in the dynamics of unity, peace, love, respect and righteousness.

According to their official website, they believe in using conscious reggae roots & culture to enrich lives and to also expand minds and hearts to join together and spread one love!
Mutabaruka, one of the formidable disk jockeys (DJs) at a community-based radio in Brikama is a  member currently based in The Gambia.

His versatile selecting skills has earned him, as he is selecting in various local radios stations both in The Gambia and in some parts of Senegal. Junior Mutabaruka as he is fondly called uses all the means to promote African Light Sound dub-plates in both The Gambia and Senegal.

In these dub-plates, you will only hear conscious reggae lyrics, which will never lead the youth ‘dem’ astray and all the songs are sung by humble and respected Rastas. These dub-plates are making very good moves in the hearts of the youths in The Gambia.
 
African Light hopes that these conscious dub-plates will always help the youths to strengthen their minds and guide their lovely hearts to keep maintaining peace, love and righteousness. Always keep a faith in Jah !! In these sound movement, there are no nationalities, black, white or whatever you might think of on this Earth that separates people.

Author: by Sheriff Janko

The Big Read : Modibo Keïta: A devoted pan-africanist

Friday, September 05, 2008
Modibo Keita (or Kéïta); (4 June 1915 - 16 May 1977) was the first President of Mali (1960 - 1968) and the Prime Minister of the Mali Federation. He espoused a form of African socialism.

He was born in Bamako-Coura, a neighborhood of Bamako, which was at the time the capital of French Sudan. His family were Malian and practising Muslims. He was educated in Bamako and at the École normale supérieure William Ponty in Dakar, where he was top of his class. Beginning in 1936, he worked as a teacher in Bamako, Sikasso and Tombouctou.

Modibo Keïta was involved in various associations. In 1937, he was the coordinator of the art and theater group. Along with Ouezzin Coulibaly, he helped found the Union of French West African Teachers.

Keïta joined the Communist Study Groups (GEC) cell in Bamako. In 1943, he founded the L'oeil de Kénédougou, a magazine critical of colonial rule. This led to his imprisonment for three weeks in 1946 at the Prison de la Santé in Paris.
In 1945 Keïta was a candidate for the Constituent Assembly of the Fourth Republic, supported by GEC and the Sudanese Democratic Party. Later the same year, he and Mamadou Konaté founded the Bloc soudanais, which developed into the Sudanese Union.

Political life
In October 1946, the African Democratic Rally (RDA) was created in Bamako, which was led by Félix Houphouët-Boigny. Keïta assumed the post of RDA Secretary-General in French Sudan. In 1948, he was elected general councilor of French Sudan. In 1956, he was elected mayor of Bamako and became a member of the National Assembly of France. He twice served as secretary of state in the governments of Maurice Bourgès-Maunoury and Félix Gaillard. Modibo Keïta was elected constituent assembly president of the Mali Federation on July 20, 1960, which consisted of French Sudan, and Senegal. Senegal would later leave the federation.

President of Mali
After the collapse of the federation, the US-RDA proclaimed the Soudanese Republic's complete independence as the Republic of Mali. Keita became its first president.
As a socialist, he led his country towards the progressive socialization of the economy; at first starting with agriculture and trade, then on October 1960 creating the SOMIEX (Malian Import and Export Company), which had a monopoly over the exports of the products of Mali, as well as manufactured and food imports (e.g. sugar, tea, powdered milk) and their distribution inside the country. The establishment of the Malian franc in 1962, and the difficulties of provisioning, resulted in a severe inflation and dissatisfaction of the population, particularly the peasants and the businessmen.

Although Keita was initially viewed by the United States as a socialist, he made it clear that he sought good relations with Washington. In September 1961, he travelled to America in the company of Sukarno and met with President John F. Kennedy. Keita, afterward, felt that he had a friend in Kennedy.

On the political level, Modibo Keïta quickly imprisoned opponents like Fily Dabo Sissoko. From 1967, he started the "revolution active" and suspended the constitution by creating the National Committee for the Defense of the Revolution (CNDR). The exactions of the "milice populaire" (the US-RDA militia) and the devaluation of the Malian franc in 1967 brought a general unrest.

On November 19, 1968, the General Moussa Traoré organized a coup d'etat against Modibo Keïta, and sent him to prison in the northern Malian town of Kidal. Modibo Keïta died in prison on May 16, 1977. His reputation was rehabilitated in 1992 following the overthrow of Moussa Traoré and subsequent elections of president Alpha Oumar Konaré. A monument for Modibo Keita, was dedicated in Bamako on June 6, 1999.

As a Panafricanist
Modibo Keïta devoted his entire life to African unity. He first played a part in the creation of the Federation of Mali with Léopold Sédar Senghor. After its collapse, he moved away from Léopold Sédar Senghor, but with Sékou Touré, the president of Guinea, and Kwame Nkrumah, the President of Ghana, he formed the Union of the States of Western Africa. In 1963, he played an important role in drafting the charter of the Organization of African Unity (OAU).

In 1963, he invited the king of Morocco and the president of Algeria to Bamako, in the hope of ending the Sand War, a frontier conflict between the two nations. Along with Emperor Haile Selassie of Ethiopia, Keita was successful in negotiating the Bamako Accords, which brought an end to the conflict.

From 1963 to 1966, he normalized relations with the countries of Senegal, Upper Volta and Côte d'Ivoire. An advocate of the Non-Aligned Movement, Modibo defended the nationalist movements like the Algerian National Liberation Front (FLN).

Timeline of events in Independent Mali

Pre-independence influences on Mali
Sense of history: The name of the country was taken from the greatest period in the region's history. Thus, 80 years of the French civilizing mission was unable to completely obliterate precolonial history.

Economic ties: Despite the construction of the Dakar- Niger Railway, and statistics that show the majority of the Niger Valley's external trade passed through Dakar, precolonial trade survived. Salt traders still brought Saharan salt to Timbuktu and Gao, while other desert traders still journeyed through the Sahara to Algeria and Morocco. Still other traders traveled from the Middle Niger Valley south towards Ghana/Ivory Coast, and east to Mossi country in Burkina Faso, and further east to Hausa country in Niger and Nigeria.
Religious ties: Malian Muslims regularly made the hadj to Mecca or to other shrines like Touba (Senegal).

Conflicting consequences of French colonial rule: centralized, bureaucratic government; belief in economic progress; politics dominated by charismatic individual leaders and mass parties, the desire for equality as French citizens or independent Africans.

Conditions in Mali at independence
The population was overwhelmingly rural. It was also overwhelmingly Muslim. According to a 1993 publication on Africa, Mali was 90% Muslim, 9% traditional and 1% Christian.

The economy was overwhelmingly agricultural. According to a 1956 study by the Bureau International du Travail, the French Soudan had only 3% wage-earners, compared to 93% in Great Britain, 65-70% in France, 40% in Japan and 5% in Africa as a whole. [Source: Le Syndicalist Libre, nø3, (22 September 1956).] As of 20 Juin 1960, the date that Mali became independent, 95% of the population was involved in agriculture. [Source: Alain Maharaux, L'Industrie au Mali, (Paris: L'Harmattan et CNRS, 1986), 13-14.]

There were only 36 industrial units in 34 locations in Mali. This was a legacy of French policy that treated the Soudan as a supplier of raw materials and a market for French industrial output. There were 9 rice processing plants, 7 electrical generating stations, 6 bottling companies (4 in Bamako), four bakeries (all in Bamako), 2 vegetable-oil processing plant, 1 cotton processing plant, only 3 metal fabricating sites, 1 ship construction, 1 brick manufacturing, 1 candy factory, 1 consumer chemical plant (soap and perfumes).

The Soudan depended on financial subsidies from France and the rail connection to Dakar. The Soudan possessed only extractive and light consumer industries. Imports provided all heavy construction material, automobiles, and fuel oil. All financing for major development projects came from France (like the Niger River bridge at Bamako, under construction since 1947 and finished in 1961.

The end of the Mali Federation
During July 1-3, 1959, the PFA held its first congress to organize the government of the Mali Federation. Modibo Keita represented the Soudan while Mahmadu Dia and Leopold Senghor represented Senegal.

• Modibo Keita: A school teacher who began his political activity as a member of a Groupe des Études Communistes in Bamako during WWII, along with his brother Kassé Keita. He founded the Bloc Soudanis as the first political party in the Soudan in early 1946 (forerunner of the Union Soudanis and US-RDA). On November 26, 1956, he was elected mayor of Bamako

• Léopold Senghor: A Catholic Senegalese veteran of WWII who was not connected to the Wolof (dominant ethnic group in coastal Senegal, which included Dakar and Saint Louis). He began his political career as an "apprentice" to Socialist mayor of Dakar, Lamine Guèye, but rebelled in 1947, after his successful campaign of 1946. On February 11, 1948, Senghor began to publish his own newspaper, Condition Humaine in Dakar, and established his own party, the Bloc Démocratique Sénégalais. He was the first African member of the French government to support the Fifth Republic in 1958.
• Mahmadou Dia: Mahmadou Dia was the low-caste son of a Tukolor WWI veteran. He was educated in a Mouride (Muslim) school. He was also fluent in Wolof and the first African sujet to obtain a prewar baccalauréat degree.

Questions on the form of independence: The Soudanese and the Senegalese differed on the form of government: the Soudanese wanted immediate and complete indpendence from France, while Senegal wanted a more moderate relationship in a confederation of the French community.

The Senegalese view prevailed on September 23-24, 1959 with the agreement on independence for the Mali Federation. On September 28, the leaders notified De Gaulle that the Mali Federation would seek independence within the French Community, and on November 26, notified the French government of the precise terms of the constitutional change needed. On December 14, 1959, De Gaulle voiced the approval of the French government for Malian independence.

Official forms of independence: On June 8 and 10, 1960, respectively, the legislative assemblies of Soudan and Senegal adopted the constitution of the Mali Federation, paving the way for the declaration of independence. Modibo Keita was the president of the Mali federal government, and Mahmadou Dia was vice-president. Independence began on a good note, at midnight on June 20. On July 28, Mali was admitted to the United Nations by a unanimous vote of the Secuirty Council.

Within a few months after the independence of the Mali Federation, all of the other states in AOF became independent.

External efforts to undermine the federation: The French sided with the autonomists, under the assumption that any attempt to group Africans was a prelude to political succession. Félix Houphouet-Boigny offered support to autonomist forces in the Soudan, while Guinea's Sékou Touré assisted rebels in the Casamance. Most vexing was the question of relations with France, which were made even more sensitive by the resumption of violence in Algeria. Senghor supported France while Keita was opposed, and in the end, Dia sided with Senghor.

In addition, the Sengalese and Soudanese disagreed on how to distribute revenues in the Mali Federation. The Soudanese, who were less numerous, represented a disproportionate part of the civil service from the days of the GGAOF. The Senegalese saw this as a transfer of taxes from the productive coastal region to the poorer and less populated interior. On the other hand, the Soudanese condemned the Senegalese for corruption and lethargy with respect to the struggle for independence.

In the end, the different priorities of interior and coastal states doomed the Mali Federation. On September 20, 1960, the Senegalese expelled the Soudanese leaders and workers, including more than a thousand railway workers and their families, when the Soudanese refused to accept Senghor as president of the Federation of Mali.

Modibo Keita served as the president of Mali until he was overthrown on November 11, 1968. In that period, he established a one-party state and converted the party organization into the state. All decisions were made at national party congresses attended by representatives of local party organizations.  In 1962, Modibo Keita's RDA attempted to reduce the country's dependence on France by establishing its own currency, the Malian Franc.

Businessmen protested, since this made it harder for them to trade with the exterior, and the government clamped down with hundreds of arrest. Two people died and ten were injured in riots. Two of Keita's main political opponents (plus a leading merchant) were executed, while 75 received sentences ranging from one year to life in prison.

In 1968, a group of relatively unknown junior army officers (captains and lieutenants) overthrew Keita's government. Lt. Moussa Traore agreed to speak for the group after they seized the national radio station, and as a result, became the leader of the new government when the revolution succeeded.

Mali under Moussa Traore
Traoré's rule was marked by closer relations with France and some relaxation of the policy of African socialism, but during the 1970s oil crisis, he and his family amassed huge profits through their control of import/export trade. Protests by students began in the late 1970s, and a confrontation between government troops and a crowd of citizens in Bamako in March 1991 led to another military coup.
 
In 1991, Mouusa Traoré was overthrown by forces loyal to General Ahmadou T. Traoré (known as "ATT"). ATT held elections for a civilian government as promised, and in 1992, Ahmadou Alpha Konaré was elected president of Mali.  Created by a decree of the 16th of June 1895, one year after the establishment of the Ministry for the Colonies, French West Africa (AOF), a federation of colonies, is an entity for coordinating French presence in West Africa.

At its inauguration, it consists of four colonies: Senegal, Sudan, Guinea and the Ivory Coast. It is placed under the authority of a Governor General resident in Saint-Louis in Senegal, then in Dakar, with subordinate Lieutenant Governors. These titles will change, the Governor General becoming the High Commissioner and the Lieutenant Governors becoming Governors. The frontiers of each of these colonies are negotiated with colonial powers in the neighbourhood through conventions or defined by administrative decisions in the cases of French colonies adjacent to one another. As French colonization progresses, administrative units are established, large territories and subdivisions within them.

Dahomey, Niger and Mauritania are successively incorporated into the AOF. In 1921, a part of Sudan becomes Upper Volta, which will be dissolved in 1932 and reconstituted in 1947.

In 1946, the French Union passes an electoral law permitting African populations to appoint members of parliament and senators to the French parliament. In 1951, territorial assemblies elected through universal suffrage are organized on the basis of a double electorate. A regional council of 40 members, 5 from each territory, assist the High Commissioner.

The blueprint law of 1956 endows each territory with a governing council presided over by the Governor of the colony whose ministers are appointed by the territorial assembly elected through universal suffrage by a single electorate.

In 1958, adhesion to the French community is approved by all the territories except Guinea.  In the two years that follow, all the territories are granted independence and are admitted to the United Nations Organization. The offices of High Commissioners and Governors are closed.

Author: DO

Over view of crime in West Africa

Thursday, September 04, 2008
In African countries, especially those in the west, criminal activities still remain high in spite of numerous crime prevention strategies adopted by the authorities concerned.

The cause for this increase in crime rate is sometimes related to high rate of unemployment, large number of ex-combatants created by the seemingly endless wars in the region, as well as the ostensibly unredeemable poor economic conditions in many of the countries in the region.

Another possible culprit is the increase in the use of drug and illicit substances among the youth, the unquenchable taste for wealth among the young, which sort of fuel dubious activities like rituals, armed robbery, siphoning/looting of public funds, forgery, internet scam, etc.

In West Africa and thereby, although official records would show a better performance on the part of law enforcement agencies, in reality their impact is as though as for every ten criminal eliminated, double that number literarily resurrect.

Browsing through the websites of daily newspapers, or listening to network news, it appears to one that particular crime acts have specific time to be committed. Criminality is gradually establishing itself as though it is a professional career. Within society, theft and rubbery are no more nocturnal activities; they are now common occurrences of the day. They happen in factories, within the neighbourhood, and in the open street. Hardly any country is free from violent crime, although their cases vary.

Robbery with violence, which has for sometime been uncommon in The Gambia, seems to be taking centre stage now.

The recently reported development in Ndungu Kebbeh, in the North Bank Region, is among the latest in a spree of unfolding traumas a hitherto peaceful people have been experiencing.

In a high profile criminal activity, the assailants often utilise aggressive tactics, operating in numbers, carrying deadly weapons to facilitate their activities.

In some countries, expatriates are the potential targets, due to their perceived wealth. Anyhow, it is essential that individuals become security personnel and serves not only as their brothers’ keepers, but also as national guards. This would require the learning of some security precautions necessary for self defence.

Petty criminal activities, however, targets innocent school children, who are sometimes initiated as early as in their school days, and they get graduated into undesirable groups.

 After their exposure to these bad influences, for the most part they do not restrict their criminality prowl within their country of origin; rather, they tend to export it into neighbouring countries, in search of greener pastures. The practices of kidnap, rape, and human trafficking are not left behind; they continue to take the lead in criminal activities in which the youth are involved.

The increasing urge for the perceived wealth abound across the other side of the ocean has given a boost to the phenomenon of human trafficking, which is among the most of organized crimes in the world; infiltrating networks smuggle women and children for sexual exploitation and child labour. In West Africa, civil wars, refugees, child soldiers and economic hardships exacerbate this phenomenon. In the whole of the rest of Africa, Ghana; Mali; Niger; Algeria; Libya; Mauritania; Gabon; Cameroon; Guinea, amongst a host of others, are established trafficking routes. The victims are regularly from local areas there.

As earlier mentioned, high rates of poverty and inequality are strong collaborating factors, contributing to burglaries and armed robberies. According to sources, fifteen of the 50 least developed countries in the world are in West Africa. And inequality is also very rife. International studies show that rapid and unplanned urbanization creates conditions for the escalation of crime.

Organised crime, a common feature in many countries nowadays, is an activity undertaken for the purpose of gaining wealth, power or influence. This offence is largely punishable, on conviction, with some terms of imprisonment. This kind of criminal activity can be fought mainly in conjunction with police and other law enforcement agencies.

Research and sharing of intelligence information with law enforcement agencies, as well as using well-placed human sources (informants) can be a good start. Given maximum cooperation to police investigations and setting up multidisciplinary taskforces would be another method.

Author: by Yunus S. Saliu

A professional army ensures a safer society

Monday, September 01, 2008
The role of modern day armed and security services goes far beyond combat activities, contrary to how we, in this part of the world, tend to perceive it.

Understandably, this general misconception owes its root to the prevailing destabilising situation in the African continent, as has been the case throughout the post-independence era. However, the army, like any other fraternity, is supposed to be as instrumental in nation building as all the other sectors of society. This means that it is just as important to have the men and women in the force as equipped in terms of expertise, as it is among the civilian core.

If, as it is often said, the primary role of the armed forces is to safeguard the territorial integrity of a nation, it might as well be argued that such an uphill mission goes beyond positioning men and women in guard posts around the country. It also requires trainings on rescue missions, in the field of medicine, construction, engineering, and so on and so forth. Wherever the civil population encounters difficult times, the security apparatus of such a society would be sure to step in; this is exactly what happens in other parts of the world.

The fact that the military core of this country, prior to the July 22nd Revolution, had been seen as a pool for dropouts and people desperately seeking employment opportunities, explains the attitude of the people towards the force. And this, in a way, has reflected in the performance of some of its men and women. However, the present trend of improvement in the army is a cause for jubilation. The announcement made by the commander-in-chief of the armed forces, President Alhaji Dr Yahya Jammeh, during last Friday’s landmark passing out ceremony of the 29th intake, strongly expresses this.  

Many of the landmark scientific achievements we enjoy today are the result of researches sanctioned by military institutions; institutions that have received the required expertise they rightly needed to get where they are.

This is something President Jammeh has always envisaged for the security services of this nation. Of course, the professional status of the armed forces of this country today, which has been a cause for pride for the people of this country, demonstrates how far the government has gone in changing the status quo in the army.

If further development plans raised by the Gambian leader are implemented, it will certainly further boost the performance of our men and women all the more, in terms of their already celebrated performance in regional and international peacekeeping missions.
    
For the men and women of the security services though, the ball is now in your court. This government is unique on the African continent, in terms of its encouragement for the security services. It is up to you to take advantage of the numerous opportunities being offered.

Author: DO

VP receives Senegalese envoy

VP receives Senegalese envoyVP receives Senegalese envoy
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Friday, August 29, 2008
The vice-president and secretary of state for Women's Affairs, Aja Dr Isatou Njie-Saidy, on Thursday morning, received in her office, a Senegalese envoy, Mr Mame Birane Diouf.

As the Senegalese minister of Culture and Heritage, Mr Diouf told journalists in an interview that he was in The Gambia to convey a special message to the Gambian leader, President Alhaji Dr Yahya Jammeh, on a festival to be organised in Senegal.

This festival, according to the Senegalese envoy, is aimed at promoting unity among African countries and "we also want to raise the African flag to higher heights."
 
Lamenting the status of the continent, Mr Diouf said that looking at the African continent, one could clearly tell that civilisation came from Africa. "Even during the most difficult times in the world (colonial era), Africa was organised," he posited, and he then went on: “We are all one, but it is the languages that divided us”.

The Senegalese envoy told reporters that Vice-President Njie-Saidy underscored the importance of the already existing relations between The Gambia and Senegal during their discussion.

Meanwhile, a group of visiting youth coordinators from the International Baby Food Network (IBFAN) Africa was also received by the vice-president.
 
The visiting delegation, comprising five young people from the East African countries of Uganda, Mozambique, Swaziland, and Zambia, were led to the Office of the Vice President by Mr Malang Fofana of the National Nutrition Agency (NaNA), who is the national coordinator, IBFAN Gambia.

Shortly after their audience with the vice-president, Mr Fofana told reporters that their audience with Dr Njie-Saidy offered them the opportunity to discuss infant and young child feeding, as well as issues that affect youths in general.

He disclosed that the youth representatives were in the country to exchange ideas with their Gambian counterparts on the youth programmes, in a bid to involve young people in promotion of infant feeding in The Gambia.

IBFAN Africa, Mr Fofana said, has in the past few years been engaged in capacity building projects, aimed at improving the networks in developing countries, as well as sharing experiences of best practices. He said that they chose The Gambia this time round because of the efficiency and organised nature of its youth networks.

The visiting youths, who are coordinators of the various youth bodies in their respective countries, are in The Gambian “to familiarise themselves with the way youths in The Gambia are doing things”.

Author: by Kemo Cham

Gambia To Celebrate African Traditional Medicine Day

Tuesday, August 26, 2008

The National Traditional Medicine Programme at the Department of State for Health and Social Welfare, in collaboration with the Association of Traditional Healers of The Gambia, will on the 31st of August celebrate African Traditional Medicine Day.

In a press release send to Health Matters yesterday, the manager of the National Traditional Medicine Programme at DOSH, Bubakar Sillah, stated that theme of this years celebration is  “The Role of Traditional Healers in Primary Healthcare”.

Mr. Sillah stated that the Association  of Tradition  Healers of The Gambia have the honour and pleasure to associate themselves with the President Dr Yaya  Jammeh  in making this a special day in the calendar of traditional medicine, noting that since the association adopted President Jammeh as the father of traditional healers of The Gambia last year, Gambian and Non Gambian healers alike have witnessed tremendous  advancements in the health care delivery system of traditional medicine. He said among the catalogue of his achievements in the realm of healthcare which the healers hail are the construction of an academy of science and technology, discovery of medicines for infertility, prostate cancer, skin cancer and a host of diseases.

He further stated that the recent graduation of Gambian doctors from the school of medicine and the exemption of mothers and infants from the payment of fees in health facilities are a clear demonstration of President Jammeh’s care for the health of Gambian and Non Gambians.

He pointed out that by virtue of the presidents untiring efforts in promoting traditional medicine the healers of The Gambia will once again use the opportunity of the commemoration of the day to reaffirm their allegiance to him as the father  of traditional medicine and pledge their unflinching  support to him in all his endeavours in nation building and the improvement of the wellbeing of humanity.

Author: By Pa Modou Faal

Reiteration of Rights Marks Pan African Women’s Day

Friday, August 22, 2008
As part of the activities of the pan African Women’s Day, which was celebrated last week at the Paradise Suites Hotel, almost all women councils or representative in all the regions who cares were brought together. The programme was indeed a great achievement and it showed a sign of more empowerment and improvement in women folk’s lives, as different important topics were discussed and many interesting outlets on human and people’s rights on the right of women were discussed.

For the benefit of our esteemed readers we brought a summary of the women’s protocol. The protocol to the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa{women’s protocol}, which entered into force on 25 November 2005, provides more comprehensive and specific guarantees in relation to women’s human rights than the charter. It will be monitored by the African Commission through states submitting periodic reports under the African Charter.

The women’s protocol recognises and guarantees a wide range of women’s civil, political, economic, social and cultural rights. Its main provisions include the following articles: Elimination of discrimination, article 2,8 and 9: States must adopt legal, institutional and other measures to eliminate all forms of discrimination against women they must also initiate education, awareness raising and other programmers of action to eliminate harmful cultural, traditional and other practices based on the idea of the inferiority or superiority of either of the sexes, or on stereotyped roles of women and men.

States also must ensure that women are treated equally before the law and are given equal opportunities to participate in government and decision making.

Elimination of violence against women, article 3 to 5 : women may not be exploited or degraded. States must protect women from all forms of violence, including sexual and verbal violence, whether the abuse takes in home or in public. To achieve this, states must take steps to prevent punishment and eradicate violence against women.

Trafficking in women must be prevented and the traffickers must be prosecuted.

Equality in marriage, divorce and inheritance, article 6,7,20 and 21

With regards to marriage:

*Women and men have equal rights and are equal partners.

*No marriage must happen without the free and full consent of both parties.

With regards to widow:

*A widow must not be treated in a way that are inhuman, humiliating or degrading

*A widow has the rights to an equitable share in the inheritance of her husband’s property.

Peace and protection during conflicts. Article 10 and 11: women have the rights to participate in promotion and maintenance of peace. This means.

rape and other forms of sexual exploitation during conflicts must be considered as war crimes, genocide, or crimes against humanity.

Education. Article 12: women should have the same opportunities as men to education and training. All stereotypes discriminating against women should be eliminated from textbooks and other education materials as well as in the media.

Equal opportunities in work. Article 13: women must be given equal opportunities as men in their work and careers. This includes:

*The right to choose their occupation and not to be exploited

*The right to be paid the same as men who do the same kind of job

*The right to maternal leave.

All forms of sexual harassment in the workplace must be prohibited.

Health and reproductive rights, article 14: women’s right to health, including sexual and reproductive health, includes:

*The right to control their fertilities

*The right to any method of contraception

*The right to protection against sexually transmitted infections, including HIV/Aids.

States must ensure that women have access to adequate and affordable health services, including pre and post natal health and nutritional services.

Special protection, article 22 to 24: states must provide special protection for elderly women, women with disabilities, women from marginalised communities and income families, and pregnant and nursing women.

Author: By Sarata J-Dibba

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