Recent political instability including the early August dissolution of government could delay long-awaited plans to reform Guinea-Bissau’s swollen security sector which could impact the country’s long-term security says the president of the national defence institute Baciro Dja.

Nine police units, the army, air force, navy and judiciary, are to be reformed over the next few years as part of an ambitious government exercise underpinned by the European Union and headed by a Spanish army general, Juan Esteban Verastegui.

"Installing a new government could demotivate the [security sector reform] process. If we say we'll reform and then nothing happens that will be very dangerous,” said Dja.

Unaffordable army

Central to the reform process is modernising and slimming down the country’s oversized army, the country's” Achilles heel” according to Dja, which currently has 4,800 registered members, a significant proportion of them generals who were promoted under former President Kouma Yala's regime. Just six members of the army are under 20 years-old according to a recent Reuters report.

"Guinea-Bissau has more generals than [Africa’s most populous nation] Nigeria," confirmed Shola Omoregie head of the UN peacebuilding office in Guinea-Bissau (UNOGBIS).

The hope is to create a smaller, more efficient “modernised” army, reducing the overall tally to 2,500, according to Dja, whose members can live in dignified conditions, be well-trained, and have adequate equipment.

Reform is sorely needed because despite dedicating up to 30 percent of its annual budget to the security sector according to an International Crisis Group estimate, the government cannot afford to support the current structure said an international security expert in Bissau.

"Many members of the military and the police haven't been paid in two months," he told IRIN. "You don't want military officers having to sell coffee in the streets to survive... that's a recipe for disaster."

Challenges

It is also hoped that reforms would limit the alleged involvement of some members of the military in drug trafficking in the country, according to an international drug expert who also asked to remain anonymous.

Shola Omoregie, special representative to the UN Secretary General and head of the UN Peacebuilding Support Office in Guinea-Bissau (UNOGBIS), added, "Drug trafficking is a big threat here and it will undermine everything we do to build peace here if it is not tackled."

But some fear the early August dissolving of government could delay security sector reforms, further complicating a process that already faces a number of challenges including how to raise the US$180 million required to fund it.

However Colonel Salamao Kiermes at UNOGBIS is confident the reforms will go ahead, citing the fact that efforts have progressed despite the recent government shake-up. He added, “Key people such as the ministers of defence and of justice have not changed… [and] the new government has given assurance that it will not change ongoing plans.”

Meanwhile those backing reforms are not about to let up the pressure. Giuseppina Mazza, resident coordinator of the UN in Bissau stressed, "Security sector reform, alongside good governance and building up the government's administrative capacity is a pre-condition for everything the UN does here.”

IRIN 

Drama seen by many  as a way forward to development of society is under microscopic view by Adebayo Akintunde Smith analyzing the role drama can play in society, its impact on politics, culture and everyday life. What goes on within society without people knowing about it could be brought out through drama to correct those ills. Culture is portrayed and seen at work bringing back people to the reality of life. Man by nature loves story telling, with drama the reality of story telling is put into action to help bring out the reality into play. Please read on for us to make drama vibrant in our schools and society.

It may seem strange that Drama should be considered as an instrument of political and mass mobilisation in the Gambia, other than as relaxation education and entertainment, Drama is indeed a very dynamic art and its functions make it possible to be utilized to achieve various ends. Greater potentials as a means of human inquiry and expression would facilitate the appreciation of its importance.

 Politics is the art of governance. To be able to govern the people, they need to be educated and informed through all means at government’s disposal. The traditional institutions for education and information are the schools, colleges and universities and other religious institutions like churches, mosques etc.

The mass media in the Gambia have been used and are still being used for political matters in various ways. The mass media have been used to enhance the political consciousness of the people. It is a medium of mass education and which can forster the theory and practice of association between citizens. It teaches group participation and team work which is indispensable to a community.

Apart from the mass media, drama can also be use by the government to make their programme known to the people. The theatre and the media provided a source of informal education system for people who have outgrown the formal school.

Drama is one of the most viable weapons for the critical objective and result oriented analysis of a nation crying for re-birth. It is an agent of mass mobilisation and expression because it is imaginative communication. Drama is a form of social consciousness, an important weapon in the ideological struggle of classes. The vivid images which drama evokes affect the conscious of the audience. Drama can go a long way in defending class oppression and could contribute to the socio- political education of the telling masses provided that the drama is culturally relevant and should specifically address Gambia’s social reality using truly, Gambian speech, patterns, and movement and visual structure.

Drama can be used to play a vital task of re-orientating and correcting the society through emphasis on awareness and change. It is the most economical mode of expression which can convey an idea that can be accepted as true. Drama’s impact is direct and more immediate than other forms of expression. It is a form of inculcating social and political value that encourages people to take an interest in the political culture of the country.

All drama is necessarily political because all the activities of man are political and drama is one of them.

Those who try to separate drama from politics try to lead a political attitude. Both drama and politics deal with the same subject, human beings and human relationship in a human world. The drama aims at influencing people’s consciousness, including political decision and social attitudes.

As a matter of fact, the government should encourage the development of drama in other to play a major role in increasing both the pace and standard of education as well as enhancing the political consciousness of the people. The practitioner should be allowed to form a formidable force that would be accepted and recognized like the labour union, National union of journalist, national union of teachers etc. this body will be able to fight their cause and lobby the government for assistance and support. It will enhance and hasten the development of film industry and film production in the Gambia and be able to compete favourable with other industry in Africa and the rest of the world. The body-will also serve as a regulatory body for the practitioners, the people and the government.

Schools have basked in past glories when many organisations brought home their visions about their organisations in view of what the want the communities to know about. GRTS had stated children’s drama as a programme on their television but it was short lived. This had called children to attention as they come to see each drama. The drama caused many children to rate their fellow schools as either good better or best better still the worst school.

Parents had gained a lot from them especially drama that carried drama close to their hearts. Drama on HIV/AIDS, sanitation, refuse disposal, theft, jealousy, prostitution, laziness and more have taught a lot of lessons, helping the government to cub crime and other problems.

An association to deal with National Drama Group in schools would enhance a lot in line with what we think is vital for children and society. From such, children could be trained in acting and further studies provided to enhance their acting capacities for a wider industry in film production. These children or big people involved would be able to entertain the populace to get rid of their day’s stress by laughing out their problems at seeing their normal life situation at play. The government and school authorities should see this as reality and help children to help the society. Children and a lot others have potentials but are not utilized to their full potentials. As they wait to be utilized, may someone there stand to help out in time to make the community a place to enjoy.

Independent observers and civil society groups in Ghana say voter registration, the first major step towards landmark general elections in December, is being marred by violence and irregularities.

In the north of Ghana supporters of the two main political parties – the ruling New Patriotic Party (NPP) and the opposition National Democratic Congress (NDC) - vandalised registration centres on 2 August and gun shots were heard in Tamale, the capital of the northern region, during voter registration.

The Media Foundation for West Africa, a press-freedom monitoring group, warned that five journalists covering voter registration in Tamale were attacked by supporters from both parties.

One of the journalists, Alhassan Abdul Ganiuw Brigandi, with local newspaper The Independent, was filing a report on the registration of underage voters allegedly transported to the voting station by NDC supporters.

On 6 August, one person sustained serious knife wounds and two people were arrested by the police in another clash in the Volta Region of southeastern Ghana.

“I am not surprised at the acrimony; it’s definitely a crucial election, but the parties must first protect the peace,” said Kwesi Amakye, a political science lecturer at the Kwame Nkrumah University of Science and Technology, in Accra.

Accusations

Ghanaians will vote on 7 December to elect a new president and members of parliament. The election is seen as a landmark because it is the first time in the country’s democratic history that a president who won power in democratic elections has served his constitutionally mandated two four-year terms and has to hand over the presidency.

Polls suggest the election will be close and is likely to go into a run-off.

Registering newly qualified voters who have just reached the voting age of 18 and adults who have never registered before is the first major step towards the elections.

Spokespeople for the NPP and NDC contacted by IRIN denied their supporters were involved in violence or illegal registration activities. Each accused the other of being responsible.

However, the Coalition of Domestic Election Observers, an elections watchdog, said in a statement issued on 4 August that the violence and irregularities have been “widespread”.

David Adanzee-Kangah, deputy chairman of Ghana’s Electoral Commission, the government body mandated to organise and facilitate elections, said the disturbances are “unprecedented” in Ghana’s recent political history.

Concerns

Observers are concerned not just about the clashes but also the registration process itself.

“Our main concern is that political parties are sponsoring minors to go and register so they can vote illegally come election day,” said John Lavea, the Programme Coordinator at the Centre for Democratic Development, a member of the Coalition of Domestic Election Observers.

Lavea says the coalition has also had reports of non-Ghanaians from neighbouring countries being paid to cross the border to register so they can vote in the elections in December.

The police in the Volta Region of Ghana, which shares a border with Togo, have arrested two people suspected of registering Togolese in the ongoing voter registration exercise said Assistant Commissioner of Police, Kofi Adei-Akyeampong.

The registration exercise, which is scheduled to run for 10 days, has also suffered some administrative challenges as registration centres have received far more people than expected.

In some parts of Ghana, people have started queuing at midnight to be sure of getting into the registration centres the next days.

Adanzee-Kangah, Deputy Chairman of the Electoral Commission, said this is “an abnormal situation never before seen in the history of this exercise”.

IRIN

The Center for Democracy and Development (CCD) & West African Civil Society Forum (WACSOF) organize a two day regional consultative meeting on conflicts in the Senegambia zone of West Africa in Banjul The Gambia from the 24 -25 July 2008 at the Kairaba Beach Hotel. In this second part report it takes the reader through discussions, and presentations of participants. So read on to understand what transpired at Kairaba Beach Hotel, Banjul the Gambia.

The meeting ended calling on governments in the Senegambia zone to be tolerant and allow the warring factions at a round table conference, with their security guaranteed. The religious leaders were also urged to preach peace in their sermons. The civil societies were as well call upon to be accountable to the people

PEACE & CONFLICT IN SENEGAMBIA CURRENT CHALENGES: Ebrima SALL:  made a presentation on the Political Economy of the Senegambia countries. He indicated that there are also structural problems apart from the economical ones. The links between economy and politics is not an easy thing, for him its one which is complex.  One can put it like this, conflict is part of life and politics is managing conflicts. Sall is of the view that if one did not see the linkage between politics and the economy, then the whole thing becomes complex.

He said when one looks at what happen at the Senegambia region, one will see the fragmentations very clearly, but never the less we have a lot in common. He opinion that the fragmentation is done in a very profound way, in the region we have some visible differences. This is manifested when we come to religion and culture; all are the same as well as the people. All the countries are running a republican system. Sall said if integrations did not work here then we need to ask questions, since we have a lot of commonalities. The economies are almost all tax based. He said that most of the people in the sub region are poor people.

The fact of the matter is we do not have interstate conflicts but internal ones. The boundaries were imposed on us, which we regret we only learn to live with them. What we have in the Senegambia region is what we have elsewhere. He said before the structural Adjustments, trade was more liberal than in Senegal. Under Structural Adjustment, the IMF did encourage re export trade. Sall feels that in the transport sector, is an absolute scandal when one cannot jump in a car and drive to Senegal. This he said is a negation of idea of the free movement of people and goods.

The OMVG has none of its major objectives met. Like the building of a bridge across the rivers, I think they should have a look at the objectives once more. The number one issue we should deal with is the state. Number two is we should fine a way of transcending the borders to over come the fragmentations. Better attempts should be done by looking at a wider level and not on one to one basis like the Senegambia confederations. So long as we do not look at integration at our own levels, it is not possible at a West African level.

On Border and Insurgence dynamics, Halifa Sallahpresenting a paperbelieves if you want to find the sources of conflict one has to find out the contradictory aspects… we have seen the issue of Gambia, Senegal and Guinean Bissau. During colonialism Portugal colonized lower cassamance and in 1889, Portuguese allow lower cassamance to go to Senegal. He said if one wants to deal with the conflict one has to take in to consideration the religious aspects, because before any military action the militants consult their spiritual leaders.

The late leader of the casamance said casamance was never governed as Senegal but West African nation like any other nation. It was in 1962 when certain people convince Casamance to go with Senegal.   War he said is a continuation of politics, since war is a continuation then there has to be a political stability. Administration of the people should not be left with the governments alone the people should take part. Freedom of expression is power so there cannot be any integration without harmonization of policies.

Aminata Diaw talking about   ethics’ and cultural dimensions saidintegration can only be meaningful when it is put in its proper context of culture. She said we should be counter balance with citizenship. These conflicts in our regions can only be resolved in a sub-regional way. We cannot talk about peace if we do not construct viable democracies in our various countries.

Dr. Siga Jagne first took the floor. She indicated that one cannot talk about the casamance conflict without touching the Gambia. The whole conflict has an economic problem. She mentions the closure of the Gambia/Senegal border which did has an enormous economic hardship on the Gambia. Jagne, s presentation was on the Casamance conflict and the spillover effect on the Gambia.

She indicated that every conflict on the continent has refugees here in the Gambia. This is a small countries that has very little economic base and eventually such inflow of refugees affects us a lot. She underline the conflict prevention precussions which she thinks help us still maintained the peace we have; otherwise the Gambia can also simply go into flames of conflicts. She said the spillover effect is not only from Casamance but as said earlier from all over the continent.

Siga said though Gambia is a peaceful country but with the world food crisis it is taking a lot of toll on our economy. The refugee population is such that many are now engaged in prostitution; just take a walk around the Senegambia hotel areas you would have seen some of these things am saying.  She indicated that the civil society has to take the bull by the horn to deal with conflict issues.

Seynabou Male Cisse, talked on the Women in War and Peace Processes. She indicated that women play a very important role in feeding families and also plays a vital role during conflict. They were the Red Cross people during the casamance conflicts. Women at village level they do participate in socieo-cultural level as well. The women are also compelling by conflicts to vacate their farms and other small income generating activities as a result that increases their impoverishment.

The women of casamance did participate in the conflict resolution by organizing them into marching passes and other activities. They were organized into learning groups to understand issues like protocols. It is our firm belief that the women should be educated so that they can easily take control.

Professor Barry said the discussion on the casamance issue are not opened particularly within Senegal, it is a taboo to talk about it. The Senegalese government did divided Casamance into sections like Kolda region, Tamba region and so on that is not the issues. He said it is the question of decentralization the center of the power never wanted to leave.   

He believes the fundamental issue is we have talk. Cape Verde is an example in term of governance. Cape Verde is the only state where you can find two former head of states who meet driving and the head of state could be easily met. So the whole issue is one of good governance.

In his intervention, Cisse talked about the rebellion bonus, he said those who know of the great lake war will know what am talking about, and there is a need of a political solution to this crisis. He pointed that there is a recycling of war lords within the region. Recently he we have seen the recycle soldiers rushing to Abidjan. Secondly, concerning the criminal economy, there is the illegal production of cannabis. The people concern are saying that because there is no alternative means of income so the production has to continue. Cisse indicated that more and more land will be use in the cultivation of cannabis so far as there is no alternative. He cited the case of Gambia whose forest laws are rigorous so they end up coming into Casamance for wood and coal.

Concerning a solution to the casamance crisis the government of Senegal has at one time asked Gambia and Bissau to take off hands from the negotiations. One cannot find solutions to the casamance crisis without the participation of the two countries.

The issue of the civil activity at the level at casamance, they are doing well in the Casamance. In February 1998, the civil society organized a very important meeting in casamance. He said the people of casamance are tied of this crisis and government of Senegal is not taking the issue seriously.

CONFLICT PREVENTION, Penda Mbow in an intervention on preventing conflicts, said we have to implore our traditional set up that are already in existence, like certain family names that joke and easily settle conflicts. We have to maximize that existing set up. Generally speaking this goes beyond jokes; this in a frame work of conflict prevention can be very useful.

On early warning and early response mechanism in the Senegambia countries Mousaa Dabal said in Guinea Bissau the army is a problem. They are involved in politics and every other thing, And as long as the army is not reform nothing will be right in that country. He said the council of the wise is a protocol of the ECOWAS who can serve as mediators at some conflicts areas. They are at the disposal of the civil society in conflict prevention areas.

Dauda Garuba (CDD) he talk on CCD/WACSOF intervention. Ecowas did say they have spent over 75% of its budget on peace building. If that money could have been spend on development, we will have more impact, which is if the early warning is heeded to by stake holders.  

Amadou Taal, interim chair of the Gambia Civil Society Forum, said when ECOWAS was being conceived at the time conflict resolution was not a priority. He said we cannot leave without conflicts but what we need to do is to learn to manage conflicts. He noted that ECOWAS has not being working closely with the civil society, which should be in place. He cited the signing of EPAs. Poverty he said can spark off conflicts, a clear case is the food crisis which has witness demonstrations in the region.

In another contribution one said the issue of youths being frustrated in their home countries due several factors, one of those is the lack of gainful employments, and they then venture into leaving their homes by dangerous routes. It is the opinion of the speaker that if youths are force to abandon such routes and they are frustrated at home could lead to uprising against their states. So that is an early warning it has to be taken seriously to avoid conflicts.

Civil Society Engagement in Peace processes and Post Conflict reconstruction in Senegambia was another area that certain civil society shared experiences with the conference. Mohamed Mbodji of RADDHO said it is only better that one understands the issues is one is to effectively participating in conflict resolutions. He noted that one has to differentiate the types of conflicts, like the one in Liberia was different from that of Casamance.

Despite the decentralizations in Casamance, like the division of casamance into upper and lower casamance, the conflict is there. They try direct discussions with the people in certain areas but it was a very difficult exercise, because there were name callings which almost lead to fighting. When it comes to the economy especially in terms of wood, one discover that the rebels connived with certain government authorities.

Abdou Boye of Youth Ambassador of Peace, our activities is within and outside of the Gambia. 880 contact hours is the standard contact suppose ton be between the teachers and students. After a survey we realize that in the Gambia none of the school meet that standard. The YAP work in cross border activities, we went o casamance and had some contacts with the people there, and this goes back to 2004. In our summer camp activities we camp young ones from the sub-region and we discuss issues of peace and conflict resolutions. In the last camp which was in 2005, we were able to make presentations to both government and key stake holders

Musa Sanneh of WANEP, for us we are active in the area of election observations off course with other civil partners. We participate in small arm business because this arm trafficking has some effect on peace and conflict.  WANEP was mainly goes into sensitizing the people and in some cases arm destruction are done in presence of many. In turn communities are given some projects as a form of compensation. He argued that arms can be a very contributive in triggering conflicts.

Nget thinks that if issues connecting to the casamance conflict cannot be discussed in Senegal, a state that has a big stake when it comes to conflict resolution then there is a problem.

What the civil society is doing in Guinea Bissau, is one of sensitization, this was in an intervention by a participant from Guinea Bissau He argued that the civil society should be accountable to the people as well.

The issue is to look at the political demand and then from there we see where to go. Unless that is done we are no where close to solving the conflict issue of casamance, that was an intervention from Halifa Sallah.

Tomorrow 22 July 2008, will mark 14 solid years of the leadership of the APRC government under the stewardship of President Yahya Jammeh who came to power through barrel of a gun on July 22 1994.Then in 1996 Jammeh like many of his military colleagues in the sub region and beyond turn into a civilian, contested and won the elections, since then he won two more elections in a country that has no presidential term limit.

 The Gambia as a developing country had scored some developments in certain areas but notwithstanding have some short comings under Jammeh. The Media Agenda’s reporter at large went on a wide raging vox voice to feel people’s feelings on where the coup took us in the last 14 years and whether there was a need to celebrate the day.

Mustapha Kujabi a student said for him it is difficult to make comparisons since he was too young during the first republic. One thing he made clear is that no matter what he cannot condone a military rule. He condemns all coups including the one that brought President Jammeh to power. He however said he thinks there are some developments in terms of schools.  I think yes the day can be celebrated but with little cost owing to the hard living conditions of ordinary Gambians.

A journalist who whish not be named in this article said there is absolutely no cause for celebrations as far as he is concern. I would like to see justice done in the pending cases of my colleagues like Deyda Hydara and the disappeared Chief Ebrima Manneh.One cannot celebrate when ones colleagues are killed and got disappeared with little commitment by the state whose responsibility is to do so as people’s representatives.

Nyambi Drammeh a farmer in the URR village of Perai said yes there is a cause to celebrate as the developments speaks for themselves, unless one is blind to see. Apart from the bad road conditions from Banjul to Koina on the south bank, under the Jammeh regime we have seen much development. The schools, the health centers, the television and rural electrifications speak for themselves.

Fatoumatta Suko told this reporter that she is disappointed by the regime because as a farmer if she cannot find a market for her produce will there be any cause for her to celebrate July 22. NO, she said. I need to feed my family from these produce, to educate my kids and to take care of the welfare of my family as a single parent.

Lamin Ceesay a university student said yes there is much cause for celebrations as if it were not the Jammeh regime I would not have seen the walls of a university, so bravo President Jammeh.

“We need good governance, free press, and progressive democracy” said Kumba Fatajo of Laminkoto village of CRR. Without the above she said there is no cause to celebrate July 22. For her a coup is a crime and should not be glorified.

The already high levels of politically motivated violence in Zimbabwe's rural areas are escalating, the opposition Movement for Democratic Change told IRIN.

Violence surged in the aftermath of the 29 March elections, in which ZANU-PF lost it majority in parliament for the first time since independence from Britain in 1980, and its leader, Robert Mugabe, come off second best to MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai in the presidential ballot. It continued in the lead-up to the second round of presidential voting on 27 June.

The presidential run-off ballot was deemed necessary after neither presidential candidate managed to achieve the 50 percent plus one vote required for an outright win.

In the interregnum between the 29 March and 27 June polls, there were reports of widespread violence, torture and internal displacement, which, according to the MDC, resulted in the deaths of more than 80 of their supporters and led to Tsvangirai's decision to withdraw his candidacy.

Mugabe, who has ruled for 28 years, claimed a landslide victory in the second round.

Rape as a weapon

Pishai Muchauraya, the MDC spokesperson for the country's eastern province of Manicaland and newly elected parliamentarian for Makoni South, told IRIN the violence intensified after Mugabe was sworn in as president two days after the vote, on the eve of the African Union summit in Egypt.
"The torture camps are still in place, and since the beginning of July three supporters of the MDC have been murdered by ZANU-PF militia and war veterans at the torture camps. Several women, including a 70-year-old grandmother and a 15-year-old girl, have been gang-raped, while beatings and displacements continue. People are being forced to donate goats, cattle and women to the bases to avoid being victims."

Rape was being used as a "deplorable" weapon against those perceived as not supporting ZANU-PF, and "In many instances, the victims cannot remember the number of people who raped them but it is usually more than 20, and that increases the chances of infecting the victims with HIV/AIDS," Muchauraya said.

"The perpetrators ... also expose themselves to infection, which could have a significant impact on reversing the impact of the HIV/AIDS pandemic."

Muchauraya said "the siege" by government supporters was an attempt to change the political culture and thinking in rural areas, and that rather than being dismantled, "more torture camps are being established."

During the independence war against white rule, the rural areas were the bastion of support for Zimbabwe's guerrilla armies, and the rural vote against the ruling ZANU-PF in the recent elections was seen as an insult by the country's ruling elite, according to political analysts.

"The international community has rejected the 27 June circus, in which Robert Mugabe contested against himself and declared himself the winner. ZANU-PF is subjugating everybody, so that if another election is called, and even if it was free and fair, people would vote for ZANU-PF out of fear," Muchauraya said.

Social welfare minister Nicholas Goche told IRIN the upsurge in violence was a consequence of the MDC attacking their own supporters in a bid to create sympathy among the international community.

"The MDC stage-managed these developments in order to coincide with the G8 summit [in Japan] so that Zimbabwe is put on the agenda. The idea is to give the impression that there is increasing political violence and that people are still being beaten, but all that is false."

In reaction to Goche's comment, MDC spokesman Nelson Chamisa told IRIN: "As the MDC, we are deeply concerned by the upsurge in political violence, especially in the countryside. We are overwhelmed by the number of internally displaced persons who continue to flock to our offices.

"War veterans and ZANU-PF militia are behind these attacks. We have information that the torture chambers have not been dismantled and that new ones are being set up," he said.

Apparatus of violence

A "demobilised" member of ZANU-PF's youth militia, who declined to be identified, told IRIN that only the militia bases in urban areas were being dismantled.

"Some of my colleagues have relocated to rural areas to set up new bases or join existing ones. They have launched Operation Makazviitirei [Operation Why Did You Ever Vote for the MDC]," he said. This operation has been running since ZANU-PF lost the general elections on 29 March.

"On the eve of voting [in the presidential runoff on 27 June] we mobilised all the people to spend the night at an all-night vigil, so that they would go straight from the base to the polling station. Our base commander, a serving soldier who is a war veteran, was in charge, and the same appeared to be the case with other bases.
"Unfortunately, the lines of communication are so vague  that some of my colleagues, who had not been officially told to stop mobilising the people [in urban areas], have been severely beaten up by the police and army for political violence," he said.

The ruling party had ordered that political violence cease in urban areas, as it was difficult to hide such activities and exposed ZANU-PF to international criticism, the youth militia member said.

ZANU-PF has mobilised the three main pillars of the party: the Youth League, which also contains the Youth Brigade; the Women's League; and its Main Wing, comprised mainly of male ZANU-PF members.

The Youth Brigade has been wearing uniforms since the 1980s, but in 2000, after Mugabe launched the fast-track land reform programme to redistribute white commercial farmland to landless blacks, ZANU-PF established a National Youth Service. Its graduates - also known as the Green Bombers because they dress in green fatigues - combined with the Youth Brigade and are collectively called the ZANU-PF youth militia.

The militia recruits youth from the ranks of both the urban and rural unemployed and though they do not receive payment, they use their positions to force people to supply them with food and drink.

These young people fight against opposition activists and were responsible for rounding up and frog-marching people to "re-education and re-orientation bases", known as torture camps by the MDC, the youth militia member told IRIN.

He said youth militia were never accepted into the party hierarchy, as these positions were the preserve of "old men and women".

The militia bases were usually established in schools or clinics and were under the overall command of veterans of Zimbabwe's liberation war, or serving members of the army or security services, he said.

The youth militia member said all-night vigils were held, during which those brought to the bases were made to sing liberation songs and chant praises to Mugabe, and to publicly "confess" to being opposition members and then denounce the MDC.

IRIN