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SOMALIA: Poor suffer most from currency woes

Thursday, April 17, 2008
Hyperinflation and increasing insecurity have forced Somali businessmen to demand payment in US dollars, creating difficulties for ordinary people with limited access to the greenback, traders said.

"We are demanding payment in US dollars because it has become impossible to keep track of where the value of the Somali shilling will be from one hour to the next," Liban Yusuf, a businessman in Bosasso, said.

"Inflation is such that if a businessman sold goods for Somali shillings, half an hour later he stands to lose 30 to 40 percent," he added.

There was also the issue of security and where to store the Somali notes, given that the shilling was exchanging at 31,500 to the dollar, down from 15,000 a year ago.

"If you sell commodities worth $1,000 in Somali shillings, you will need containers to keep it," he said, because the highest denomination was only one thousand shillings.

According to traders in the capital, Mogadishu, and Bosasso, the commercial capital of the self-declared autonomous region of Puntland, the situation had been aggravated by demands that they pay taxes and fees in dollars.

"When I bring commodities into the country I have to pay the government in cash dollars or my goods will not leave the port," Abbas Mohamed Duale, spokesman for the business community in Mogadishu, said.

There was no immediate comment from the government.

Yahye Sheikh Amir, dean of economics at Mogadishu university, said the Somali currency had lost both value and credibility. "What is happening is that people are printing money on A4 paper in their homes and trying to exchange it for something that was bought with hard currency," he explained. "It is not sustainable."

The currency problems have pushed up the prices of basic commodities, including food.

There has been no legal printing of Somali currency since the collapse of the Siad Barre regime in the early 1990s. All the local currency in circulation is either printed in the country or imported by individual businessmen.

The problem is exacerbated by the lack of a properly functioning central bank to set monetary policy. As a result, Amir said, the "biggest losers are the very poor, especially the urban poor.

"In Mogadishu, an estimated 20 percent receive remittances," the professor said. "Add another 20 percent who live off those who receive money. The rest of the population will be out of luck with their livelihoods severely affected."

He urged the government to allow the re-circulation of old notes. "The only way this can be resolved is for the government to stop home-printing of currency and start using the Somali shilling."

Source: IRIN http://www.irinnews.org

ZIMBABWE: Opposition turning up the heat

Wednesday, April 16, 2008
A call for an indefinite stayaway by Zimbabwe's opposition party, the Movement for Democratic Change, had a mixed response on 15 April, the day protest action began.

Most private commuter operators withheld their transport but resumed normal operations by midmorning, when most businesses in the capital, Harare, opened their doors after adopting a wait-and-see approach.

"I could not put on a suit because I was afraid that I could be harassed by people who might have thought that I was betraying them," a public relations consultant, who identified himself only as "John", told IRIN.

"The truth of the matter is that I support the stayaway, but my boss is a ZANU-PF supporter and I fear being victimised." About half of his colleagues had said they could not come to work because there was no transport.

The MDC's call to informal traders to refrain from business was doomed from the start, although youths forced some vendors to pack up their stalls.

"I am in support of the call to have the results of the presidential election made known, for we are in a state of anxiety, but the stomach comes first. As an informal trader, the sole breadwinner in my family, the quandary is between running around to sell my second-hand clothes and being seated at home to show solidarity with the MDC," Tariro Chiwewete, 40, a single mother of three, told IRIN.

"I think [President] Mugabe and his lieutenants know that their time is over and are just trying to provoke people to stage mass protests so that they can find a reason to stay in power. How else can one explain their reluctance to announce the results? It shows they have been beaten," she said.

The MDC is adopting a more militant stance against Mugabe's ZANU-PF government over its refusal to release the results of the presidential poll on 29 March.

A time for destiny

A High Court petition by the MDC to force the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC) to publish the results was dismissed with costs on 14 April; in response the MDC has turned to its urban strongholds and called for an indefinite mass stayaway.

In a statement on 14 April the MDC said: "For over two weeks since 29 March, ZEC is failing to release the presidential poll results, a situation that has caused an electoral impasse, as the people of Zimbabwe who voted in their millions have been waiting patiently for the results."

The statement said the time was ripe for Zimbabweans to take "destiny into their own hands as the ZANU-PF regime is not letting them have peace and democracy", and urged workers, businesspeople and informal traders to stay at home until the ZEC released the presidential results.

The MDC insists that according to results published outside each polling station, their leader, Morgan Tsvangirai, won the presidential poll by the required 50 percent plus one vote, negating the need for a second round of voting.

The ZEC has announced senatorial and parliamentary election results, in which the ruling ZANU-PF lost its majority in parliament for the first time since independence from Britain in 1980.

After publishing these results, the electoral commission secretly moved its national command centre in Harare, and has argued that the delay was a consequence of it collating and verifying the presidential ballots.

The commission has heeded a call by ZANU-PF to recount votes in 23 constituencies where it claims Mugabe was cheated of votes. The recount will take place on 19 April, even though the High Court ordered the recount to be stopped, according to local reports.

The ZEC parliamentary results gave Tsvangirai's MDC 96 seats while Mugabe's  ZANU-PF secured 94. A breakaway faction of the MDC garnered nine seats while ZANU-PF's former minister of information, Jonathan Moyo, who ran as an independent, won his seat.

The MDC described the 29 March elections as a referendum for "food, jobs and a better Zimbabwe", and said "a shocked ZANU-PF regime has failed to come to terms with the defeat and is doing everything in its power in order to subvert the people of Zimbabwe's will."

The police, who have banned demonstrations, said in a statement responding to the stayaway that "the call by the MDC Tsvangirai faction is aimed at disturbing peace and will be resisted firmly by the law enforcement agents, whose responsibility is to maintain law and order in any part of the country."

On the eve of the stayaway police patrolled the capital's suburbs in riot gear and on the day police trucks cruised the streets, with the police chanting revolutionary songs and beating the sides of their vehicles with batons in an in an apparent show of force.

Labour unions may join stayaway

Lovemore Matombo, president of the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU), a militant labour federation that has also urged the ZEC to speedily release the results of the presidential vote, warned that his organisation might join the stayaway call.

"This [mass stayaway] seems the most immediate option that the MDC has after all the other gentlemanly strategies: going to court, approaching SADC [Southern African Development Community] and talking to ZEC, failed," Matombo told IRIN.

"Adopting militancy is a potent strategy in our given circumstances, and my personal feeling is that the MDC took too long to realise that it should effectively use the urban voter as a vehicle to push the government to accept the importance of publicising the results," he commented.

Matombo said the delay in announcing the results was pushing the country "towards an explosion and chaos", and vowed that the ZCTU "would not sit back and watch as the political situation degenerates".

"Government might take advantage of a seemingly docile population and declare everything in its favour, but the time will come when we will pour into the streets and show them that we cannot be taken for granted," Matombo said.

Source: IRIN http://www.irinnews.org

Islam in The Gambia The Foundation of Islam

Thursday, March 27, 2008
Islam is not only the leading religion in the Senegambia region, but also one of the world’s  leading religions. The religion was founded by the Prophet Mohammed in Saudi Arabia. Today the followers of Islam number hundreds of millions and are to be found in all parts of the world.

Muslims form the bulk of the population in the Middle East, Northern Africa, and certain areas of the Far East.  Many countries in East, Central and West Africa, including The Gambia and Senegal, have predominantly Muslim populations. The Prophet Mohammed, who founded the religion of Islam, was born in about AD 571 in Mecca and belonged to the Quarish tribe. Islam traces its founder’s descent to Ismail and Abraham.

Mohammed’s father. Abdulla Ibn Abdul Mutalib, died before the Prophet was born. His mother, Amina, also died when he was six years old: Mohammed was first taken care of by his paternal grandfather, Abdul Mutalib. After his grandfather’s death, Mohammed was now taken care of by his uncle, Abu Talib. At the age of twelve, Mohammed accompanied his Uncle on a trip to Syria. This trip to Syria afforded the future founder of Islam the opportunity of learning much about different peoples and their religions in the Middle East, chiefly Christianity and Judaism.

Mohammed as a youth spent much of his time attending to flocks in the desert for his uncle. During this period Mohammed was so dutiful that he earned the titel Al-Amin, meaning “the trustworthy”.

To supplement his meagre income, Mohammed accepted a job with Khadija who was a prosperous lady of the Quarish tribe. Khadija placed Mohammed in charge of the caravant travelling from Mecca to Syria. Winning the esteem and affection of Khadija, Mohammed married her. Mohammed and Khadija were blessed with two boys and four girls, but all died young except a daughter Fatoumatta.

Unlike most of his countrymen in his day, Mohammed was a very religious man and believed in only one God. He often retired to a cave near Mecca at the foot of Mount Hira for prayer and meditation. On one such occasion he felt he had a call from God or Allah. This was at a time when everybody else in Arabia believed and prayed to many Gods.

Mohammed, therefore, had a very difficult task  preaching in Mecca, a city with as many as 365 gods. Mohammed faced bitter opposition to his mission of denouncing polytheism and idolatry.

However, Mohammed would soon win to his side  a number of followers including his wife khadija, Abu Bakr, a nobleman and an influential Meccan, the Prophet’s cousin, Ali and a freed slaved called Zaid.. The persecution of his followers started and many of these people fled to Ethiopia for refuge.

After Khadija’s death in 619 and the death of the Prophet’s uncle, Abu Talib, the following year, Mohammed found his life in danger. It was for this reason that on 20 June 622 he escaped with his faithful follower, Abu Bakr, to Medina, a city to the north of Mecca.

He was welcomed in this city and gained many disciples there. Mohammed built the first Muslim mosque in medina and started to propagate his religion. Mohammed’s flight to Medina, known as Hijra, is generally regarded as the beginning of Islam, and is, therefore, a very important landmark in Islamic history.

In fact the Muslim calendar starts from that date. Soon after the Hijra, the Meccans decided to pursue Mohammed to Medina. This resulted in a war which lasted for ten years. After this long conflict the Muslim forces consisting of only 700 men finally inflicted a decisive defeat on the Meccan army of 24,000 men,  a defeat that inspired the followers of Mohammed and persuaded the vast majority of people in Arabia that God had, in deed, sent the Prophet to convert his people.

Having defeated the enemy, Mohammed returned to Mecca and from then on people flocked to embrace Islam in their thousands. These followers of Mohammed would then launch a crusade outside Arabia to propagate and spread the new religion.

Within the first century after the Prophet’s death in 632, Islam would  spread to many lands. The religion had by now reached India and the whole of Northern Africa had become Muslim.

The Coming of Islam to The Gambia

We have already seen how Islam was first brought to the people of West Africa by North African traders on the Trans-Saharan routes, and it early established a base in the Southern termini of those routes.

In the eleventh century the ruler of Futa Toro was converted to Islam. In the same century; the puritanical Almoravid movement made its appearance among the Berber tribes of Southern Mauritania. Although the Almoravid directed most of their efforts to the North of Mauritania they left a strongly Muslim imprint on the area, and Mauritanian Muslims introduced Islam to many areas South of the Senegal river including what is today The Gambia.

By the fifteenth century, there were marabouts attached to most of the chiefs’ courts in The Gambia region. These early converts prayed for the chiefs and served as court secretaries. As a reward for their services, they received land and were permitted to found their own villages.

By the seventeenth century, the Muslim villages had become substantial islands. The Muslim communities supported Koranic schools, kept fast during the month of Ramadan and followed the Islamic dietary laws. Although Islam first took hold in the chiefly entourages, if increasingly found its greatest success among the free peasantry.

Reasons for the success of Islam

Before the arrival of Islam, religion was a complete way of life among the people of The Gambia. The religion of these early Negroes was a combination of many factors. Usually there was a chief good, creator of all things, who was normally tied into the descent group by having especially created the first ancestor.

Since they struggled against a hostile environment, natural objects were also venerated as lesser deities. This led to a belief in a pantheon of gods: god of the sky; god the earth; god of the animal world.

The rulers of these early Negroes were believed to possess divine powers through their descent from deified ancestors, who were worshipped and consulted by the people through oracles. Each god had his own cult; each cult its own secrets, shrines and priests. Each god was the centre of import ceremonies and the recipient of sacrifices. Each cult played a vital role in the working of the whole social system, and served as a source of political and religious authority.

Offerings were made not only to the gods but also to appease or exorcise evil spirits. There were some beliefs in an after life which was viewed as an extension of life itself. And yet with the arrival  of Islam, which regarded such traditional religious practices as profane, the majority of Gambians had embraced the religion which today is the dominant religion in the country.

The early spread of Islam in The Gambia area was the result of a number of factors, some social, some political and some economic.

The fact that the process of early conversion took place in the trading cities is significant. In these trading cities lived different peoples, removed from their own closed village societies where the success of the harvest was held to depend on fertility rites and sacrifices to the local gods.

In their non-traditional setting, these city dwellers were de-tribalised in a religious sense and thus more open to the influence of a new religion which seemed adapted to their urban way of life. To them, Islam must have seemed very much like the cut of traders and Allah the God of merchants.

The acceptance of Islam was also facilitated by the nature of traditional religions of the people. New cults were founded for newly identified gods. Although they were people who believed in many gods, all of them acknowledge the existence of a supreme God. This must have made the Islamic introduction’ of the worship of one God unobjectionable.

Although Islam did not have rituals like sacrifices to local gods or consulting oracles, its own rituals could be interpreted in terms of local cult practices. Such practices were such things like the five daily prayers, the yearly fasting and the required procedures for the slaughter of animals.

Such types of rituals including the sale of amulets to protect the owner against evil spirits and ill- health could be equated in non- Muslim minds with traditional religious sacrifices, the consultation of oracles and ancestor worship which played an important role in their own religions.

As long as Islam did not attempt to destroy indigenous cults, there was no objection to it. In deed studies of modern Islamisation of West African peoples have shown the Muslim clerics do not discredit existing customs and traditional religious institutions but infiltrate them and change their nature.

There were also a number of more positive factors that contributed to the acceptance of Islam by the peoples of The Gambia area. These factors were mainly non-religious.

As was pointed out earlier on, Muslims were associated with the wealthy traders who brought goods essential to the local economies and contributed in the increase of military power. Early Trans-Saharan traders also told impressive stories  of the Islamic civilizations in their own home countries which undoubtedly gave practical expression to the Islamic God.

The mode of dress of these early Muslims, their new architecture with impressive mosques and their possession of luxury goods added to the prestige of the Islamic religion. Their literacy in Arabic greatly enhanced this prestige for the non-literate peoples assigned important supernatural qualities to the written word.

The spread of Islam was also facilitated because of its appeal to traditional rulers. Once a rule accepted the religion, his influence and authority were usually sufficient to impose it upon at least the ruling classes of his state.

Acceptance of Islam by the readitional rulers, and observance of Islamic religious ceremonies brought them the political support of the urban Muslim communities who were influential for their role in commerce and for their literacy. This spread of Islam in the towns offered a new and necessary base for imperial unity.

Not only would Islam form a bond between the ruler and all his Muslim subjects, but his political authority would be further reinforced by the Islamic teaching which imposed obedience to a just Muslim ruler on all Muslims irrespective of ethnic or racial background.

For these reasons rulers were quick to see the advantage of adopting an “international” religion in place of a local one. The cult of the Almighty Allah became in time the personal religion of an almighty earthly ruler.

The Effects of the Spread of Islam

The most obvious effect of the spread of Islam among the people of The Gambia was the introduction a new foreign religion. Islam’s monotheism and the idea that the souls of the dead and departed do not participate in human affairs were completely new to the societies into which they were introduced.

With the doctrines of Islam also came rituals and customs equally strange to the peoples. The  introduction of Islam not only meant the profession of one God- Allah, but also the introduction of the Ramadan fast, the building of mosques and the pilgrimage to Mecca.

Not only did converts obey Muslim regulations on ablutions on the slaughter of animals for food and on the seclusion of women, they also adopted Islamic styles of dress, architecture, as well as reading and writing in Arabic.

With Islam came a new and important form of education whereas traditional education was purely local and concerned with initiating the young into knowledge of local custom, their duties within local society and the skills they needed for their livelihoods, Islamic studies covered an international field of theology, law, politics, history, geography and the nature sciences. In this way, Islam also introduced the are of academic criticism.

It may be difficult, however, to estimate the exact religious impact of Islam on the peoples of The Gambia or the people of the Sudan, in general. Early travellers and historians commented favorably on the standard of Islamic piety, scholarship and some features of government in the important trading cities.

On the other hand these travellers and historians recorded the continuance of traditional customs and ceremonies unacceptable to Islam. Possibly the efforts of Muslims to adapt traditional customs and practices of Islamic purposes had the opposite effect and it Islam that became assimilated into basically non-Muslim systems and institutions.

It certainly seems that Islam in The Gambia valley before 1800 was little more than an imperial cult of great prestige existing side by side with cults to other-gods. Few rulers escaped the need to draw their power and legitimacy from traditional religions; many people must have both worshipped in the mosque and sacrificed to local deities.

 It was mainly for this reason, as we shall see, that nineteenth century Gambian Jihadists like Maba Diakhou and Foday Kabba Dumbuya castifated nominally Muslim rulers for the travesty of Islam practiced in their states and waged the Soninke-Marabout Wars that raged in The Gambia through out the nineteenth century placing Islam on a new foundation.








Author: DO

The Serahule

Tuesday, February 19, 2008

Having looked at the Aku, the Fula, the Mandinka and the Jola during the past few weeks, we now come to the last three groups. One such group was the Serahule, former builders of the Ghana Empire, who form the fifth largest ethnic group in The Gambia today. Next week we will look at the Serer and the week after we end we the alphabetically last group, the Wollofs. If our readers have other contributions to our history of Gambian peoples (such as the Ghanaians, or even the handful of Ethiopians, the Daily Observer would be deligted to publish their history).

The Serahule, sometimes called the Soninke, are to be found throughout West Africa forming minority ethnic groups in such countries like Senegal, Mauritania, Guinea Bissau and Burkina Faso.

At stated earlier on, the founders of the ancient Empire of Ghana were the Serahule. At its height in the early eleventh century the Kingdom of Ghana was mainly populated by the Serahule.

Serahuli society was also stratified into the nobles known as the Nore, the artisan class comprising the Jaare or praise singers, the Tagge or smiths and the Garauke or leather workers. At the bottom of the social ladder were the slave class known as the Komme and also consiting of domestic and commercial slaves.

As middle men in the Trans-Saharan Trade, as we shall see, the Serahule grew wealthy and became great traders. With the conquest of Ghana in the eleventh century by the Almoravids, the Trans-Saharan Trade got disrupted and the trade routes shifted from Serahule territory. The Almoravid conquest of Ghana and the resultant loss of fortune by the Serahule contributed in their dispersal into other West Africa.

Although they were not permanent residents for the most part, Serahule were found scattered in many Gambian districts with their largest concentration in the Upper River Division of The Gambia.

The Serahule had long been associated with the Mandinka as long distance traders from the Senegal and Upper Niger regions. Coming from the Senegal valley to The Gambia, they would hire land from the Mandinka chiefs and grow groundnuts for few years, just long enough to be able to buy the goods they wanted from the European traders before returning home. Of course the Serahule were predominantly traders, but they also engaged in farming. They grew groundnuts and cotton and their women folk are noted for manufacturing decorated clay pots.

By the middle of the nineteenth century, the Serahule, mobile and without local ties, proved themselves useful to the local Gambian kings as mercenaries and were paid out of the profits from the raids which they undertook. In Numi, for example, Demba Sonko, King of Niumi, during the 1850s, hired a band of 700 Serahule to maintain order within the kingdom and exact custom duties from its rebellious eastern districts.

Despite being a minority ethnic group in The Gambia, however, the Serahule are today among the leading entrepreneurs of the country and have contributed immensely in its economic activities through their skills as renowned traders.

Author: DO
Source: Dawda Fall

Lumoo is a Livelihood for a lot of people

Monday, December 10, 2007

- Lumoo Committee Member

The time-honoured market day observed weekly in rural Gambia, where it is popularly known as Lumoo, has assumed tremendous importance across various regions the country thanks to the opportunity it offers various categories of the populace, traders and customers alike. The Wassu lumoo, which happens every Monday, attracts people of different nationalities, tribes, regions and traditions. These people come together to exchange goods and services.

On a visit to the lumoo recently, Mr. Malang Ceesay, Lumoo committee member, told this reporter that the lumoo is a source of employment for many people. Among the beneficiaries, he said, are those who pick jobs as watchmen, cleaners and other essential services providers.

Mr. Cherno Touray, a sole proprietor, said that for the past five years he has been frequenting the Wassu lumoo to sell his wares, adding that the venture has enabled him to take care of such family needs as feeding, clothing and medical treatment.

Mr. Jim Saine, a second hand clothes businessman, enthused that he has been selling at the lumoo for the past 20 years, noting that he employs four youths. Mr. Saine however lamented that some of the constraints they encounter include the inadequacy of shops, pit latrines and water supply, although he was quick to say that the Area Council has provided shops, pit latrines and pumps for the lumoo.

On the issue of safety, Mr. Saine said that an outbreak of fire some time betrays the need for safety measures to be put in place.


 

Author: By Abdou Rahman
Source: The Point

SOMALIA: Security restored in Bakara market

Friday, July 27, 2007

Trading has resumed in the Bakara market, the main business centre in Somalia's capital, Mogadishu, after weeks of violence and security restrictions.

"The market is open for business and there are no restrictions of any kind hampering its activities," government spokesman Abdi Haji Gobdon told IRIN on 25 July.

Bakara was under siege by Ethiopian-backed government forces for nearly three weeks while they scoured the area for illegal weapons. The government said the market was a hide-out for insurgents.

Ali Muhammad Siad, chairman of the Bakara Market Traders’ Association, said his group met senior government officials, including Prime Minister Ali Mohamed Gedi, and agreed on a number of issues to allow the market to reopen.

The two sides agreed that all armed forces would be removed and only uniformed policemen, working with a committee of traders, would be allowed into the market.

"We also agreed that all roadblocks [erected by the security forces] around the market will be removed and all searches by the police will be done in the presence of the traders’ committee," said Siad.

The violence in the capital in general, and the market in particular, caused a 50 to 100 percent price increase in basic necessities, including transport, water, food and other non-food items, according to civil society organisations.

Bakara serves as a wholesale market, supplying smaller trading centres in the city and the rest of country. In the absence of a central bank in Somalia, it is also the place where foreign exchange rates are decided.

Thousands of people depend on the market for business and employment. Siad said: "If things continue the way they are we should be back to normal in a short time."

According to a local journalist, lorries were delivering goods to the market for the first time in more than two weeks. "I am now walking in Bakara and looking at trucks unloading sugar and rice," he said.

"Even the dollar has come down slightly from 18,000 shillings to 17,500 per dollar," he added.

The UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA-Somalia) said the restrictions on daily activities in war-torn Mogadishu had a severe impact on the livelihoods of the population. The market closure also caused difficulties for people who receive remittances from relatives abroad.

OCHA said the security situation deteriorated with the start of the National Reconciliation Conference (NRC) on 15 July, when civilian deaths and injuries were reported daily, as government troops, their Ethiopian allies and insurgents exchanged fire.



Source: IRIN

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