Just a month ago, Bela, 35, a mother of two from the Karo ethnic group, saw her neighbour shot dead. "She was planting grain with her husband. She then went to a stream to fetch water. After a while members of the Bume tribe came with cattle and when they saw her they opened fire," Bela told IRIN.
 
In response to his wife's murder, her husband killed two members of the Nyangatom, also known as Bume. After a few days, the Nyangatoms killed another of Bela's neighbours. The revenge and counter-revenge creates a vicious cycle. Bela blamed the Nyangatom for all the conflicts in the area.
 
"We are small in number and have fertile land," she claimed. "But we plough the land together with our neighbouring tribes and share the product accordingly."
 
Bela told IRIN that in previous times such practices worked perfectly but now things have changed. She alleged that theft by the Nyangatoms ruined the relationship. Pastoralists from Dassanech and Hamer, who share a border with Nyangatoms, told IRIN that they have similar problems.
 
Among the Nyangatom, one of a dozen communities in South Omo, in the southern region of Ethiopia, cattle rustling between neighbouring groups is common. The Nyangatom reason that being surrounded by so many other ethnic groups makes it easy to get into conflict situations.

Killing someone from a rival group is also seen as a badge of courage. Such attitudes fuel a deadly cycle among ethnic groups that share a common culture, speak related languages, have similar lifestyles - and above all, are pastoralists. The official reasons for their conflicts are simple: to control resources.   

Gethaun Tolla, Cross Border Project officer from the Ethiopian Pastoralist Research and Development Association (EPaRDA), said: "They are fighting for control over pasture land, water and fishing areas."

The Nyangatom have a population of 18,000, and also share borders with the Kenyan Turkana and the Sudanese Toposas. They have many things in common, including language - but such similarities do not stop the conflict.  

Daniel Kine, a field coordinator for the Raim Riam Turkana Peace network, has first-hand knowledge of the conflicts in the North Turkana district of Kenya. He agreed that the biggest reason is resources; however, he also pointed to customs.   
 
"There is a traditional belief that any person outside your community is your enemy," he said. "When you kill a person from the other tribe, it shows you are a man."

Ilemi Triangle  

But for some, there is yet another reason for the cross-border conflict - claims over a piece of land along the borders between Sudan, Ethiopia and Kenya, known as the Ilemi Triangle, measuring about 11,000 sqkm.
 
The land is administered by the Kenyan government, but is in dispute because of ambiguous colonial-era treaties. Apart from its significance as pasture in the dry season, analysts describe the triangle as "a gateway to an area of Sudan rich in unexplored oil reserves".
 
Aid workers in the border area told IRIN an unofficial demand by the Toposa for the land fuels the conflict. They allegedly blame the Toposa for using the members of the Niata Nyangatom, a sub-clan of the Nyangatom, as an instrument for displacing Turkana from the area.
 
"If the Turkana leave the area, the Toposa will control it indirectly through Niata Nyangatom," an aid worker, who requested anonymity, told IRIN. "The Niata Nyangatom also displaced the Mursi residents within 60km of the border. The Mursi pushed their neighbouring tribes and the chain reaction goes on."
 
Small arms trade

Whatever the reason behind the conflict, it is clear that the illegal small arms trade in the area fuels it. Many analysts also agree that arms are more readily accessible because of the decades-long civil war in Southern Sudan.
 
Lobko Lale, 35, an Ethiopian Karo pastoralist, takes his Kalashnikov everywhere; for him, it is the sole means for ensuring his safety. "I bought it from the Bena [Dassanech] men and it cost me five cows."  
 
He was lucky. The average cost of a Kalashnikov or AK47 can reach 35 cattle although the flood of guns into the area has reduced the price of late. According to Alemyaehu Lochelia, a policeman in Kangaten, there is also a wide variety among the stock from the border area of Sudan - one can find anything from the German 7.62mm G3 automatic rifle to an M1 American submachine gun.

But now, for the first time in years, Lobko is travelling a long distance without his gun. When he came to Kangaten with almost 400 pastoralists to participate in peace talks, he left his rifle at home.
 
"I did not bring my gun," said Lobko. "A gun is not needed in a meeting for peace."
 
Sustainable solution

The talks were organised by a local NGO, Atoweksi Eksil Pastoralist Development Association (AEPDA), with the support of the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA). It took three months for AEPDA's chairman Abraham Bongoso to bring together pastoralists from 17 groups, two from Kenya and one from Sudan. Abraham described the meeting as "one step for bringing a sustainable solution to a longstanding problem".  
 
The pastoralists, including Bela and Lobko, gathered in Kangaten for four days before reaching a consensus and passed a resolution: any person who steals cattle will double the number given back in reparation and anybody who commits murder will be handed over to the government, with 30 heads of cattle given to the bereaved family. However, despite the agreement, Bela and others felt a real reconciliation between ethnic groups should be made the traditional way.
 
"The Nyangatoms should come to our village and slaughter a goat," said Bela. "Then we should wash our hands with fat together."

African masks are unique to each tribe and their shape and accessories have special meanings for the different cultures.

Masks have been used by the world's diverse cultures for centuries. The ancient Greek actors used masks for special theatrical representations. Eighteenth century Europeans frequented masked balls where the masks were elaborately decorated with beads and feathers. The Chinese still use masks in their traditional dances.

African cultures have perhaps the richest mask traditions. In African societies masks are used for funeral ceremonies and harvest dances. They figure prominently in the right of passages for young men, and have become a source of pride in modern-day celebrations. Masks are unique to each specific African society and their shape and accessories have special meanings for the different cultures.

One of the most abundant types of masks among African cultures is the animal representation. Animal masks connect people with the spirit world that traditional African beliefs say inhabit the forests and open savannas. The Bwa and Nuna people of Burkina Faso call on the spirits to ward off destruction. Crocodiles, hawks and buffalo are the most frequently carved animal masks. Masked dances are held on market day, during initiations and at funerals to honor the spirits and evoke their blessings. The Nuna hawk mask carvers used an animal-like snout to distinguish it from the hawk mask of the nearby Bwa, who use a distinctly rounded mouth. The wings of both are carved with geometric patterns to represent moral principles. The zigzag lines refer to the often-difficult path of their ancestors. The checkerboard patterns show the forces of polar opposites such as light and dark, knowledge and ignorance, and men and women.

The Dogon of Mali also rely on animal masks for many of their ceremonies. The Dogon have complex religious beliefs that manifest in three cults: Awa - the cult of the dead, Binu - the cult of spirit communication, and Lebe - the cult of earth. There are nearly seventy-eight different types of masks associated with the cults. Most of the ceremonies are highly secret, but non-Dogons are most often introduced to the dance of the antelope mask. The mask is a rough rectangle box with several horns protruding from the top. For the Dogon, who are expert agriculturists, the antelope is the symbol of the hardworking farmer. Dancers wearing the masks hit the ground with sticks to represent the characteristic pawing of an antelope, but also the hoeing motion of the Dogon farmers.

The Bamana people of Mali also have a rich agricultural tradition. The Bamana believe that the antelope taught man how to farm. The intricately carved Bamana antelope headdresses are worn for special inauguration ceremonies. The horns represent the sprouting of grain. The antelope mask continues to hold a prominent place in Malian society. Many government agricultural societies use the mask as their logo.

Masks are also carved to represent a culture's ideal of feminine beauty. Female masks of the Punu of Gabon have highly arched eyebrows, almond-shaped eyes and a narrow chin. The raised strip running from both sides of the nose to the ears represents ornamental jewelry. The mask is topped by a dark black hairstyle, but the face of the mask is white to represent the whiteness and beauty of the spirit world. Despite being a 'female' mask, only men will wear it while performing a dance on high stilts.

For the Baga people of Guinea, the beauty of a woman is captured in her breasts and facial scars. Baga carved female masks can be as large as a Roman nobleman's marble bust. Usually carved of wood, the masks have elongated, flat breasts symbolizing many years of childbirth. Scratches across the cheeks mimic the facial scars coveted by Baga women. Many masks even replicate the tightly woven hair braids popular in most African cultures. Similar to the Punu of Gabon, the Baga 'female' masks are reserved for men only. In fact, Baga men compete openly for the right to wear the female masks in special ceremonies.

The best representation of female beauty is the famous Idia's Mask from Benin. This mask is believed to have been commissioned by a king of Benin in memory of his mother. The ivory carvings depict the realistic deep-set eyes, full lips and wide forehead of the women of Benin. The king would have worn the mask on his hip during special ceremonies to honor his dead mother.

African masks are also made for moral lessons. Most African societies have no extensive written culture and masked dances serve to teach people right from wrong. The Senefou people of the Ivory Coast carve masks with eyes half-shut and lines drawn near the mouth to represent tranquility. Such masks are used to portray the virtues of self-control and patience. The Temne of Sierra Leone use masks with small eyes and mouths to represent humility and humbleness. Bulging foreheads carved with designs symbolize wisdom.

In Gabon, certain masks can enforce obedience on those in power. Such masks have strong chins and mouths to represent sternness. Eyebrows arch down to form the nose, depicting a strong individual. Other masks have exaggerated long faces and broad foreheads to represent the soberness of one's duty that comes with power.
War masks are also popular among African tribes. The Grebo of the Ivory Coast carve war masks with small, round eyes to represent alterness and anger. The sharp straight nose depicts an unwillingness to retreat. A block under the nose represents the teeth, which are bared in aggression.

Although African masks are sold in most African (and American) markets, these masks are only replicas of the original masks used in African societies. Most African masks are passed down from one generation to the next, and masks that have truly been used in African ceremonies are almost never found on the open market. Most Africans are still economically tied to the land, and modern religions have not replaced traditional masked dances for harvest blessings. For those Africans who no longer participate in village life, the masks are still used in public ceremonies - a proud reminder of their African heritage.

As Groundbreaking Cultural Fiesta Opens

Kanilai, the birthplace of the Gambian leader, will be involved in a weekend celebration of culture as the much-hyped Kanilai International Cultural Festival kick-starts this evening in Kanilai, Foni Kansala District.

The event, which will run from 22nd June to 8th July 2007 under the distinguished chief patronage of His Excellency President Dr Alhaji Yahya Jammeh, is designed to revive, promote and develop our rich cultural heritage and showcase the diverse performance traditions of the different ethnic groups of the sub region.

Featuring cultural troupes from the nook and cranny of the Gambia and its neighbouring countries, the festival will be characterised by mystical displays, masquerade performance, music, dance and drama extravaganzas.  Renowned musical giants in the sub-region will also attend and participate in this show of exceptional African talent, which is increasingly gaining popularity.

Named after The River Gambia which flows through its length from east to west for three hundred miles, The Gambia is a relatively small country in West Africa.

Its population of 1.2 million lives within a narrow belt extending from either side of The River Gambia.

The principal ethnic groups arc the Wollofs and the Mandinkas the former living mainly in the capital city of Banjul, while the latter constitute the single largest tribal unit of The Gambia.
These ethnic groups are reminiscent of the former Empire of the Wollofs in the Senegambian Region and the famous Mandingo Empire of Mali and Songhai.

In addition there are the light-skinned and straight-haired Fulas and the trading Sarahuleys.
Another group, the Akus or Creoles, are an important segment of the local elite; there are some Mauritanians, Morrocans and Lebanese, mostly traders and shopkeepers.

The Gambians are usually tall, dark and sturdy people with fine features and an easy going charm.

Each ethnic group speaks its own language, but English is commonly spoken as well as being the official language of the country.

There not only is harmony between the different groups, but a fusion is taking place by cultural interaction and intermarriage, to an extent that the Gambia can be called a melting pot of West African ethnic groups where a modern composite African is being evolved.

The population is predominantly Muslim with more than 90% following Islam. The remaining 10% are mostly Christians of different denominations including Anglicans, Methodists, and Roman Catholics.
Most of the people are strict in their Religious practices and the devout Muslims can be seen praying not only in Mosques but also in other public places at all prayer times of the day.
There is, however, no fanaticism and amity prevails between religious and ethnic groups.

Officially, The Gambia consists of eight ethnic groups (Mandinka, Fula, Jola, Wolof, Serer, Serahuli, Manjago, Aku).
There are other small groups (Mansuwanka, Mankaan, Papel, Susu, Lebanese, Balanta, Jalunke) that do not appear on the official list. It is probably because these people migrated to The Gambia relatively recently.

Bayinunka, which was one of the oldest tribes in the sub-region, is almost dead in The Gambia because the language is no longer spoken. People who identify with the group now speak either Mandinka or Jola. The language is still spoken in Casamance and Guinea Bissau.

Large numbers of Mandinkas migrated to the west from the Niger River basin in search of better agricultural lands and more opportunities for conquest and settlement. During the expansion of the Mali empire in the 13th century, Mandinkas established their rule from the north bank of the Gambia river to the Futa-Jalon highlands in modern Guinea.
Today, they are engaged in business and farming, especially groundnut (peanut) production. Mandinkas are spread throughout the country and in many places in West Africa. They are referred to as Malinke in Guinea Conakry, Bambara in Mali, Jula in Ivory Coast and Burkina Faso and Mandingo in Liberia.

The Fulas of The Gambia traditionally lived in small hamlets in the eastern, central and northern part of the country. They were mainly cattle herders originating in the area north of the Senegal River. As pastoralists, they followed their herds in search of grazing lands to the Niger River in the east and then south eventually coming into The Gambia.
Today, most are engaged in farming as well as business and raising cattle. With ancestral ties to North African Berbers, Fulas are known for their lighter skin and straighter hair. They are also referred to as Fulani, Fulfulbe, Pulaar, or Pul.

The Wolof are thought to have originated in Southern Mauritania where droughts and desert raids forced them south into the area north of The Gambia in western Senegal. The heaviest migration of Wolof into The Gambia occurred during the religious wars of the 19th century. They established themselves in Banjul and on the north bank of the river as traders and shipbuilders. While those on the North Bank are now mostly farmers, the Wolof of Banjul are influential today in business, commerce and the civil service.

The Jolas are among the earliest settlers in the area south of the Gambia River. Certain oral sources claim that they originated in Egypt, traveled across North Africa during King Solomon’s days in the 10th century BC, and eventually settled in the wetlands of the Niger River. They continued farther south to escape from drought and wars, bringing with them palm seed, cotton, and rice.
Today, many Jolas live near the coastal areas in The Gambia, Casamance, and northern Guinea Bissau. Although many have embraced Islam or Christianity, Jolas have generally retained more of their traditional religious practices and beliefs than other ethnic groups. They are rice farmers and also produce palm wine, palm oil, pigs, and other animals.

As rulers and merchants of the Ghana Empire, the Serahulis in this region have a long history. Most of those living in The Gambia today, however, arrived during the 19th century as refugees from the religious wars in Senegal. Although many are farmers living along The Gambia’s eastern border, the Serahulis are renowned for their gold and diamond trading activities throughout West, Southern, and Central Africa. They are also known for their woven strip cloth, tie-dye and pottery.

The Serers are among the oldest ethnic groups in the Senegambian region. They originated north of the Senegal River and migrated south to the delta areas of the Sine and Saloum region northwest of The Gambia. Today they are found primarily along the river mouth with fishing as their main occupation. The Serers are also thought to have some linguistic and cultural ties to Fulas and ancestral links with Jolas. They also move around following fish migrations just as the Fula migrated with their cattle to better pastureland.

The Akus are descendants of European traders and African wives, or the descendants of liberated slaves from Sierra Leone. You also find native African ancestors among the Aku who lived with them and became assimilated. Because of their close contacts with the European community, they were the first to receive formal education and thus played an influential role in The Gambia’s economic and government life during the colonial period.
Today Akus continue to figure prominently in Gambian commerce and the civil service. Most are Christians and have European names. There are also a number of Muslim Akus living in the Banjul area having European surnames and Muslim first names. In Sierra Leone the Aku is referred to as Creole.
The Manjagos are believed to be indigenous to the coastal area of Guinea Bissau. They first arrived in the Senegambian region as seasonal migrant workers, with some settling in the coastal areas of The Gambia and Casamance. Today their main occupation is tapping the oil palms for wine, farming, producing palm oil, and rearing pigs.

Although each ethnic group has its own traditions, language, and background, the people of The Gambia share many cultural patterns due to historical connections, the small size of the country, generations of intermarriages and the unifying force of Islam. Gambians also share much of their cultural heritage with the people of Senegal and have cultural ties to the peoples of Guinea, Guinea Bissau, Sierra Leone and Mali.