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MALAWI: Carbon credits could fund development

Friday, May 30, 2008
An initiative to improve the health, wealth and environment of Malawians is being driven by a proposal to trade in carbon credits.

The concept is to trade carbon credits earned by curbing the effects of climate change through mechanisms established under the 1997 Kyoto Protocol, to cover the cost of improving the lives and health of vulnerable communities in the world's poorest continent, which is also the least responsible for producing the greenhouse gases contributing to climate change.

"We believe what we are trying to do will work well, although it might take a few years to see large-scale results. This methodology is different to the traditional approach to development aid, as it is output- rather than input-orientated," Malawi-based Conor Fox, one of two men behind the venture, told IRIN.

"Almost every country in Africa is signed up to Kyoto. We decided to set up our operation in Malawi in February [2008] because it is one of the continent's least developed countries, which makes it one of the most vulnerable to climate change," Fox said.

According to a 2003 report by Malawi's National Energy Plan, the landlocked country, with a population of about 12 million, derives 93 percent of its energy needs from wood. As a consequence, the National Forestry Plan estimates that about 2.8 percent of the remaining woodland is being lost annually.

Reducing Malawi's reliance on wood as a source of energy would not only lower the levels of CO2 entering the atmosphere, but also prevent rivers from becoming silted up, soil erosion, and other negative environmental impacts such as the seasonal drying of water courses and flash flooding.

Fox and his UK-based partner, John O'Connor, who is managing the commercialisation of the enterprises, have launched two projects to reduce wood consumption.

Tobacco industry

The first aims to heighten efficiency in the country's largest export business, tobacco farming, by improving the technology smallholder farmers use to flue-cure the leaves in barns, which is usually done by means of wood-fired furnaces.

Updating this with technology developed by biomass energy consultant Peter Scott, a Canadian who has developed an affordable and efficient wood-burning furnace, the amount of wood required to cure a kilogram of tobacco has been reduced from a ratio of 15:1 to 2.5:1.

"Even out in the field, farmers using one of our older model furnaces burn 50 percent less wood than the traditional method of curing, and the quality of their tobacco is better, so they spend less money on wood and get a better price for their tobacco," Scott told IRIN.

Tests are being carried out to measure the difference in CO2 emissions between the new method, known as a 'Rocket Barn', and the old method. Scott said if he could get 5,000 of his 'Rocket Barn' curing systems established it would reduce the annual carbon emissions by Malawi's tobacco industry by about 100,000 tonnes.

"The potential for large-scale reductions is huge, as tobacco is grown throughout the region by large- and small-scale tobacco farmers. If we can roll out in a number of countries we can have a very positive effect," Fox said.

The second project aims to mass-produce ceramic stoves for cooking.

In 2001 the National Forestry Plan reported that household cooking and heating by means of traditional open fires accounted for about 82 percent of wood consumption in Malawi, as 97 percent of the population have no access to electricity at home.

The company owned by Fox intends to build on the initial work done by the Irish non-governmental organisation (NGO), Cara Malawi, which helped women in Kaphuka village, about 65km south of the capital, Lilongwe, make their own improved ceramic stoves.

"We feel there is also great potential here, as the improved ceramic stove design is made from local materials using local skills; that reduces wood consumption by about 50 percent, and reduces the exposure of women and children to indoor air pollution," Fox said.

National health statistics show that around 12,000 Malawians, many of them children, die each year from respiratory problems directly attributed to the smoke produced by cooking on indoor traditional fires, and the new technology would also reduce respiratory illnesses.

Any interventions rolled out by Fox and O'Connor have to complement and be consistent with the government's National Adaptation Programme of Action (NAPA), which is aimed at increasing Malawi's resilience in the face of a changing climate.

To ensure that this occurs, those who roll out interventions have to secure a letter of support from the Department of Environmental Affairs, which is the national focal point for Kyoto's clean development mechanisms and the NAPA.

"So one of the really important things is to build a relationship of trust with the government, and particularly the Department of Environmental Affairs, if this is to become successful," Fox said. "This is a risky business, as it is a relatively new concept that requires great sensitivity to everyone involved."

Managing carbon credits

It would mean that finance, channelled via the carbon-credit system, is secured on the back of verifiable results of carbon emission reductions, rather than being provided before any positive results have been achieved.

The development programme's ability to reduce carbon emissions can be measured by Gold Standard, a Switzerland-based non-profit organisation established in 2006 to guarantee environmental and development integrity, after the scrutinising the results.

Every tonne of carbon dioxide (CO2) stopped from entering the earth's atmosphere under the Gold Standard measurement system earns the project one credit. This credit can then be sold to countries, companies, individuals and organisations that overproduce CO2, to offset the fines they can incur under the Kyoto Protocol.

"Unless we can scientifically prove our programmes reduce emissions into the atmosphere, and are of benefit to the host country in terms of sustainable development, we cannot earn the carbon credits we need to fund the programmes' large-scale rollout," Fox said. "If we have the credits to sell, then you know we are reducing emissions through our development programmes."

Kyoto's provisions allow industrial countries to meet part of their treaty obligations by financing projects in developing countries that achieve reductions in greenhouse gas emissions.

Many northern hemisphere countries have already exceeded the greenhouse gas emission levels they set when they agreed to the treaty because of their heavy reliance on fossil fuels. A way of reducing this figure to meet targets in the short term, besides pro-actively reducing greenhouse gas emissions, is to purchase carbon credits from other countries or companies who have made verifiable greenhouse gas reductions.

Source: IRIN NEWS

African mask symbolism

Tuesday, August 21, 2007

African masks are unique to each tribe and their shape and accessories have special meanings for the different cultures.

Masks have been used by the world's diverse cultures for centuries. The ancient Greek actors used masks for special theatrical representations. Eighteenth century Europeans frequented masked balls where the masks were elaborately decorated with beads and feathers. The Chinese still use masks in their traditional dances.

African cultures have perhaps the richest mask traditions. In African societies masks are used for funeral ceremonies and harvest dances. They figure prominently in the right of passages for young men, and have become a source of pride in modern-day celebrations. Masks are unique to each specific African society and their shape and accessories have special meanings for the different cultures.

One of the most abundant types of masks among African cultures is the animal representation. Animal masks connect people with the spirit world that traditional African beliefs say inhabit the forests and open savannas. The Bwa and Nuna people of Burkina Faso call on the spirits to ward off destruction. Crocodiles, hawks and buffalo are the most frequently carved animal masks. Masked dances are held on market day, during initiations and at funerals to honor the spirits and evoke their blessings. The Nuna hawk mask carvers used an animal-like snout to distinguish it from the hawk mask of the nearby Bwa, who use a distinctly rounded mouth. The wings of both are carved with geometric patterns to represent moral principles. The zigzag lines refer to the often-difficult path of their ancestors. The checkerboard patterns show the forces of polar opposites such as light and dark, knowledge and ignorance, and men and women.

The Dogon of Mali also rely on animal masks for many of their ceremonies. The Dogon have complex religious beliefs that manifest in three cults: Awa - the cult of the dead, Binu - the cult of spirit communication, and Lebe - the cult of earth. There are nearly seventy-eight different types of masks associated with the cults. Most of the ceremonies are highly secret, but non-Dogons are most often introduced to the dance of the antelope mask. The mask is a rough rectangle box with several horns protruding from the top. For the Dogon, who are expert agriculturists, the antelope is the symbol of the hardworking farmer. Dancers wearing the masks hit the ground with sticks to represent the characteristic pawing of an antelope, but also the hoeing motion of the Dogon farmers.

The Bamana people of Mali also have a rich agricultural tradition. The Bamana believe that the antelope taught man how to farm. The intricately carved Bamana antelope headdresses are worn for special inauguration ceremonies. The horns represent the sprouting of grain. The antelope mask continues to hold a prominent place in Malian society. Many government agricultural societies use the mask as their logo.

Masks are also carved to represent a culture's ideal of feminine beauty. Female masks of the Punu of Gabon have highly arched eyebrows, almond-shaped eyes and a narrow chin. The raised strip running from both sides of the nose to the ears represents ornamental jewelry. The mask is topped by a dark black hairstyle, but the face of the mask is white to represent the whiteness and beauty of the spirit world. Despite being a 'female' mask, only men will wear it while performing a dance on high stilts.

For the Baga people of Guinea, the beauty of a woman is captured in her breasts and facial scars. Baga carved female masks can be as large as a Roman nobleman's marble bust. Usually carved of wood, the masks have elongated, flat breasts symbolizing many years of childbirth. Scratches across the cheeks mimic the facial scars coveted by Baga women. Many masks even replicate the tightly woven hair braids popular in most African cultures. Similar to the Punu of Gabon, the Baga 'female' masks are reserved for men only. In fact, Baga men compete openly for the right to wear the female masks in special ceremonies.

The best representation of female beauty is the famous Idia's Mask from Benin. This mask is believed to have been commissioned by a king of Benin in memory of his mother. The ivory carvings depict the realistic deep-set eyes, full lips and wide forehead of the women of Benin. The king would have worn the mask on his hip during special ceremonies to honor his dead mother.

African masks are also made for moral lessons. Most African societies have no extensive written culture and masked dances serve to teach people right from wrong. The Senefou people of the Ivory Coast carve masks with eyes half-shut and lines drawn near the mouth to represent tranquility. Such masks are used to portray the virtues of self-control and patience. The Temne of Sierra Leone use masks with small eyes and mouths to represent humility and humbleness. Bulging foreheads carved with designs symbolize wisdom.

In Gabon, certain masks can enforce obedience on those in power. Such masks have strong chins and mouths to represent sternness. Eyebrows arch down to form the nose, depicting a strong individual. Other masks have exaggerated long faces and broad foreheads to represent the soberness of one's duty that comes with power.
War masks are also popular among African tribes. The Grebo of the Ivory Coast carve war masks with small, round eyes to represent alterness and anger. The sharp straight nose depicts an unwillingness to retreat. A block under the nose represents the teeth, which are bared in aggression.

Although African masks are sold in most African (and American) markets, these masks are only replicas of the original masks used in African societies. Most African masks are passed down from one generation to the next, and masks that have truly been used in African ceremonies are almost never found on the open market. Most Africans are still economically tied to the land, and modern religions have not replaced traditional masked dances for harvest blessings. For those Africans who no longer participate in village life, the masks are still used in public ceremonies - a proud reminder of their African heritage.

Source: essortment.com

Sculptures

Wednesday, May 30, 2007

Materials of sculpture through history
Throughout most of history, the purpose of creating sculpture has been to produce works of art that are as permanent as possible. So to that end, works were usually produced in durable and frequently expensive materials, primarily bronze and stone such as marble, limestone, porphyry, and granite. More rarely, precious materials such as gold silver, jade, and ivory were used for chryselephantine works.

More common and less expensive materials were used for sculpture for wider consumption, including woods such as oak, boxwood (Buxus) and lime or linden (Tilia), terra cotta and other ceramics, and cast metals such as pewter and zinc (spelter).

African art has an emphasis on Sculpture - African artists tend to favor three-dimensional artworks over two-dimensional works. Although anthropologists argue that the earliest known sculptures in Africa are from the Nok culture of Nigeria that date around 500 BC, the art of Pharaonic Africa date much earlier than the Nok period. Metal sculptures from the eastern portions of west Africa such as Benin, are considered among the best ever produced.

Art plays an essential role in the lives of the African peoples and communities across the continent. The beauty of African art is simply in meaning. These objects mean a great deal to the people and they are of significant meaning to the traditions that produce them. Their beauty and content protect the community and the individual artists, and tell much of the artists who use them. Later exhibitions of African art in the West have been able to get much detailed catalogues that attempt to cover the art of the whole continent.

African Sculptures
Sculptures are created to symbolize and reflect the regions from which they are made. Right from the materials and techniques used, the pieces have functions that are very different from one region to the other.

In West Africa, the figures have elongated bodies, angular shapes, and facial features that represent an ideal rather than an individual. These figures are used in religious rituals. They are made to have surfaces that are often coated with materials placed on them for ceremonial offerings. In contrast to these sculptures of West Africa are the ones of Mande-speaking peoples of the same region. The Mande pieces are made of wood and have broad, flat surfaces. Their arms and legs are shaped like cylinders.

In Central Africa, however, the key characteristics include heart shaped faces that are curve inward and display patterns of circles and dots. Although some groups prefer more of geometric and angular facial forms, not all pieces are exactly the same. Also, not all pieces are made of the same material. The materials used range from mostly wood all the way to ivory, bone, stone, clay, and metal. Overall, though, the Central African region has very striking styles that is very easy to identify. With the distinctive style, one can easily tell which area the sculpture was produced in.

Eastern Africa is not known for their sculptures but one type that is done in this area is pole sculptures. These are a pole carved in a human shape and decorated with geometric forms, while the tops are carved with figures of animals, people, and various objects. These poles are then placed next to graves and are associated with death and the ancestral world.

Southern Africa’s oldest known clay figures date from 400 to 600 A.D. and have cylindrical heads. These clay figures have a mixture of human and animal features. Other than clay figures, there are also wooden headrests that were buried with their owners. The headrests had styles ranging from geometric shapes to animal figures. Each region had a unique style and meaning to their sculptures. The type of material and purpose for creating sculpture in Africa reflect the region from which the pieces are created.

Egypt
The ancient art of Egyptian sculpture evolved to represent the ancient Egyptian gods, and Pharaohs, the divine kings and queens, in physical form. Very strict conventions were followed while crafting statues: male statues were darker than the female ones; in seated statues, hands were required to be placed on knees and specific rules governed appearance of every Egyptian god.
Artistic works were ranked according to exact compliance with all the conventions, and the conventions were followed so strictly that over three thousand years, very little changed in the appearance of statutes except during a brief period during the rule of Akhenaten and Nefertiti when naturalistic protrayal was encouraged.

 

Source: Wikipedia

The African Tribal Artist

Saturday, May 05, 2007

The African tribal artist's training, which may last many years, involves the knowledge of traditional carving techniques and how these apply to the social and religious objects he creates. His craft can be learned as an apprentice in the workshop of a master carver, or sometimes these skills are passed down from father to son through many generations of his family.

The artist holds a respected position in African tribal society. It is his job to provide the various masks and sculptures for use in ritual ceremonies. His work is valued for its spiritual, rather than its aesthetic qualities.

When artists and collectors in the West first took an interest in African Art, they did not appreciate its social or spiritual function. African art was simply viewed as a naive genre with a strong visual impact.
At the dawn of the 20th century, European artists were looking for new forms of expression that challenged, rather than simply illustrated, their rapidly changing world of ideas and technology. The traditional techniques of realism and perspective seemed overworked and predictable.

Their solution was to draw on images from other cultures and fuse them with European influences to refresh the tired traditions of Western art. The new perspectives that these cultures offered opened many doors of development which led to the cross-fertilisation of ideas and styles that constitute our art world today.

The expressive power of African art was fundamental to this revolution and to the development of the first modernist styles: Cubism, Fauvism and Expressionism.

Today, the finer qualities of African tribal art, like the qualities of good art from any continent, are more clearly understood and have assumed their true position in the art of mankind.

Sadly however, most traditional African artworks are now produced for the tourist trade. Although some of these objects are examples of skilled craftsmanship, collectors suggest that many lack the character that is generated by a spiritual, as opposed to a profit motive.

Art without a 'spiritual dimension', in the broadest sense of the term, never transcends the level of mere craftsmanship and is unable to communicate those elevated emotions that are born from a deeper mystical inspiration.

We would like to thank www.artyfactory.com for the kind permission to reproduce this article  

Source: artyfactory.com

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